In what year was Medvedev president? Ilya Medvedev

Ilya Dmitrievich Medvedev is the son of the Prime Minister of Russia, a student at MGIMO.

Ilya was born on August 3, 1995 in the city of St. Petersburg in the family of Dmitry and Svetlana Medvedev. The boy’s father at that time taught legal disciplines at the institute and served in the Committee on External Relations of the city administration as a freelance expert. Dmitry Anatolyevich collaborated with, and also intersected with. Medvedev already in those years owned a stake in Finzell CJSC and the Ilim Pulp Enterprise wood processing plant.

At the time of her son’s birth, mother Svetlana Linnik had already graduated from the Faculty of Economics of LEFI and was working as an accountant. After the birth of her first child, she devoted herself to raising Ilya. In 1999, the family moved to Moscow. At the age of 7, the child went to a prestigious Moscow gymnasium. Svetlana took care of the diversified development of her son: with early age Ilya was sent to the football section, after which the boy became interested in fencing. Medvedev Jr. fell in love with foreign languages, as well as exact sciences.

Later, Ilya began to master computer equipment. In 2007, the boy starred in an issue of the humorous magazine “Yeralash”, which was called “Hero”. The video told the story of a boy who, impressed by an action movie he saw in a movie theater, rushed to save a girl on the street from the hands of bandits. In fact, it turned out that he ruined the take that the film crew was doing at that time.

The second issue of the humorous magazine with the participation of Ilya Medvedev, entitled “Take Me Down,” was published later – already in 2008. The plot of the new video was the story of a boy who wanted to act in a movie and annoyed the film director by appearing at the wrong moment on the set.

The fact that the father of the main character is the prime minister, and then the president Russian Federation, only the directors of the filming process knew. The director of the first episode, Alexey Shcheglov, spoke positively about Ilya’s abilities, calling him a cheerful and lively boy. At the casting, the child made the main director laugh. Until 2012, this fact of the biography of Medvedev’s son was not advertised in the media.

Hobbies and achievements

Ilya Medvedev's range of interests is varied - from Japanese animation to the latest alternative rock. The boy loves to play football, but most often Ilya manages to run around the football field with security representatives, and not with own father. According to the young man, he only manages to communicate with his dad for 15 minutes a day. The only exception is new year holidays. Even as of May 9, communication with my father is limited to a video call on Skype.

Ilya regularly goes to the pool. As a student at MGIMO, Ilya played for the university’s football team. Among the musical groups he prefers to listen to Linkin Park, The Beatles, “Spleen” and “Time Machine”. Anime, Japanese animation, became a real hobby for the teenager. At the age of 13, Ilya even received a blue radio-controlled robot cat, Doraemon, as a gift from Japanese Prime Minister Taro Aso.

Medvedev Jr. has already visited many corners of his vast homeland. In addition to frequent trips to hometown St. Petersburg, the young man has already seen the geysers of Kamchatka, and regularly visits Sochi with his parents. Ilya takes care of cultural education, visiting the Mariinsky and Alexandrinsky theaters, the Moscow Art Theater and the theater. For his friends, Medvedev Jr. composes humorous quatrains and can perform a couple of tricks.

Studies

When the age came to choose a profession, Ilya Medvedev made a choice in favor of a legal education, which he went to receive at MGIMO. Upon admission, the sum of points scored by Medvedev was 9/10 of the maximum sum of 400 points. As a result of the selection, Medvedev ended up in the budget department of the university. Ilya attends lectures on a general basis, just like his fellow students, and eats in the institute canteen, where, in addition to the dining hall, there is also a cafeteria and a sushi bar. At MGIMO, the young man continued to study foreign languages: English, French and Italian.

At the beginning of the summer of 2016, Ilya Medvedev took the final exams of the fourth year of the Faculty of International Law for a bachelor's degree. Teachers keep students on their toes by forcing them to find most of the materials on the subjects they study on their own in the library. Students of the faculty are required to master information on international law, financial and labor law of Russia and abroad, civil procedure in Russia, civil and trade law of foreign countries.

Knowledge of several foreign languages must also be excellent. The faculty is considered the busiest at MGIMO. Ilya Medvedev successfully completed the exam requirements and received the highest score in many disciplines. The young man has several friends at the university, but his middle son Artem became Ilya’s closest student friend. While studying at MGIMO, Ilya Medvedev interned at a Russian law firm, but Ilya plans to create his own project in the field of modern technologies.

Personal life

Ilya Medvedev devotes most of his time to studying, the boy’s relationships with girls are friendly character. In 2015, journalists took a photo of a young man in a park with a girl, while Ilya Medvedev was accompanied by security during the date.

According to Ilya Medvedev, he has an account on the VKontakte network, which the young man uses to communicate with friends. Ilya avoids publicity and therefore does not create a page on Instagram.

Ilya Medvedev now

In 2017, Ilya Medvedev completes his studies at MGIMO and, in addition to final exams, is preparing to enter the university’s master’s program. Graduate work dedicated to Medvedev's son joint stock companies in Russia and Great Britain and their legal regulation.

Now, according to the academic rating of the educational institution, Ilya Medvedev is among the 30 best students of MGIMO. Subject to excellent defense of the diploma, Ilya has the right to count on a diploma with honors and privileges when entering the next level.

It has long been noted that the children and grandchildren of our patriotic sovereign rulers study and live in the West.
Parents send their children to live in the West, buy property there, send money there and even have dual citizenship...
All this happens for a simple reason - they despise Russia, its people, and they have long given up on the country they rule.
List of children Russian authorities living in the West almost on a permanent basis is large and I will cite only a few of them.
AT FIRST
I will briefly list the names of some of the members of our government and the location of their families.
1. Family of President V. Putin
Very little is known about the president’s family, given the family’s closed lifestyle. He was married and divorced.
In the early 90s, Putin returned to Leningrad and sent his daughters back to Germany to study at the prestigious German gymnasium “Peterschule”.
In the mid-90s they returned to Russia and in 1996 moved to Moscow.
But even here the daughters did not abandon the German path. Their “German School of Moscow” is still located in the “embassy town” on Vernadsky Avenue, surrounded by a fence with video cameras, with “Achtung!” inscriptions everywhere.
In the early 2000s, both of Putin’s daughters were officially registered as students at St. Petersburg State University, but no one saw them there.
It is known that the youngest daughter Ekaterina lives permanently in Germany, in the city of Munich.
In 2013, the wedding of Katerina Putina and Yoon Joon Won (Korean) took place in one of the hotels in Morocco in 2013 and was grandiose in scope.
The eldest, Maria, lives in Holland, in the town of Voorshooten, not far from The Hague, and lives not alone, but with a 33-year-old Dutchman, Jorrit Faassen.
The specific area of residence of the couple is also known - KrimwijkHeet. Maria Putina lives in an elite house, where she occupies a penthouse on the top floor.
Putin’s daughters often visit Italy at the invitation of Silvio Berlusconi, with whom Putin is family friends.
2.Family of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev
Medvedev is married to a Jewish woman, Svetlana Linnik, who is the cousin of E. Vasilyeva - involved in the "oboronservis" case.
Vasilyeva herself is the daughter of one of the criminal authorities of St. Petersburg - Vasilyeva. President Dmitry Medvedev awarded her the Order of Honor in January 2012.
Medvedev has a son, Ilya Medvedev. He is currently studying in Russia, but in a public interview he said that he will continue his studies at the University of Massachusetts in the USA
3.Family of Foreign Minister S. Lavrov
The only daughter of Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, Ekaterina, lives and studies in the United States.
He is currently graduating from Columbia University in New York and plans to live in the United States permanently.
4. Family of the State Duma Vice-Speaker S. Zheleznyak
Three daughters of Vice-Speaker of the State Duma Sergei Zheleznyak are studying abroad.
Ekaterina is in an elite Swiss school (tuition costs 2.4 million rubles per year from 6th to 12th grade), Anastasia is in London, at the university (tuition fees per year are about 630 thousand rubles).
The youngest, Lisa, also currently lives in London.
It is interesting that the “patriot-sailor” Zheleznyak declared an income of 3.5 million rubles and at the same time pays 11 million a year for the education of his children at Western universities...
5.Family of Vice Speaker of the State Duma A. Zhukov
The son, Pyotr Zhukov, studied in London and even went to prison there; Zhukov Jr. took part in a drunken brawl and received 14 months in prison.
6. Family of Vice Speaker of the State Duma Sergei Andenko
The daughter studies and lives in Germany.
7.Family of Deputy Prime Minister D. Kozak
The eldest son of Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Kozak, Alexey, has been living abroad for at least six years and is engaged in the construction business.
He is a co-owner of several foreign companies: Red, McBright and Yuna. At the same time, he also works for the state-owned VTB Group.
Alexey Kozak's younger brother, Alexander, works at Credit Suisse.
This year, German and US authorities accused the Swiss bank of helping high-profile clients evade taxes. An investigation is underway.
8. Family of State Duma deputy A. Remezkov from the United Russia faction
Remezkov’s eldest son, Stepan, recently graduated from Valley Forge Military College in Pennsylvania (a year of study costs 1 million 295 761 rubles).
The son of a deputy studied under the program for officers of the US Army (!!!).
Styopa then entered the private Hofstra University in Hempstead, New York.
The deputy’s middle son, Nikolai, has been studying in the UK at the private school Malvern College since 2008.
And the youngest daughter lives in Vienna, where she practices gymnastics. Masha Remezkova represented the Austrian team (!!!) at children's competitions in Ljubljana.
9. Family of deputy V. Fetisov
Daughter Anastasia grew up and studied in the USA. Nastya never learned to write or read Russian.
10. Family of the head of Russian Railways V. Yakunin
The children and grandchildren of the “main patriot of Russia,” the head of Russian Railways, Vladimir Yakunin, live outside the country - in England and Switzerland.
The son of the head of Russian Railways, A. Yakunin, studied and lived in London for many years, and currently works in Russia as an investor in a British company.
Since 2009, Yakunin Jr. has headed and co-owned the UK-registered investment company Venture Investments & Yield Management (VIYM), which is involved in development projects in St. Petersburg.
Andrey Yakunin is the owner of the Moscow Marriott Courtyard hotel, built on the territory adjacent to the Paveletsky railway station.
At the moment, he permanently lives in his house in London, purchased in 2007 for 4.5 million pounds (225 million rubles) and registered in a Panamanian offshore.
Yakunin’s other son, Victor, lives in Switzerland, where he also owns luxury real estate.
The grandchildren of the head of Russian Railways also study in prestigious educational institutions in these countries.
11. Family of P. Astakhov
The eldest son of Children's Rights Commissioner Pavel Astakhov, Anton, studied at Oxford and the New York School of Economics.
And the youngest child was born in Cannes, in a rented villa.
12. Family of State Duma deputy from the “SR” faction E. Mizulina
The main fighter for traditional Orthodox values has a son, Nikolai.
First, Nikolai studied at Oxford, received a diploma and moved to live permanently in tolerant Belgium, where same-sex marriage is allowed.
Today he works in Belgium at a large international law firm, Mayer Brown.
It’s not clear how Elena Mizulina, Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Family, Women and Children, left her own son in such gay danger?!...
Probably she cared about the people, but forgot about her son...
13. N. Valuev, State Duma deputy from the United Russia faction
In the summer, his wife lives in his Spanish house, and his children and parents live almost permanently.
They also live alternately in Germany.
14. Family of A. Yakunin, State Duma deputy from the faction from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
The head of the Solnechnogorsk region, a member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Alexander Yakunin, spoke about his family in election leaflets:
"My daughter is studying at school, my wife is a successful economist, my son is a student at the Institute of Physical Education. Like, we like to get together for tea..."
The booklets, however, do not indicate where the Yakunin family lives. Meanwhile, on social networks, the official’s wife, Julia, named Nice as her place of residence.
Son Mikhail writes that he lives in Ontario. The daughter lives with her mother and uses English as her primary language.
By the way, Nizhny Novgorod mayor Oleg Sorokin also found a villa on the Cote d'Azur. More precisely, his wife
15. Family of A. Vorontsov, member of the State Duma of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
The daughter of communist Vorontsov, Anna, lives in Italy. She moved there from Germany, where she also studied.
Currently studying at the University of Milan.
Vorontsov himself, foaming at the mouth, denounces the West, and in the meantime pays hundreds of thousands of euros for his daughter’s education in Milan
16. Family of Elena Rakhova, State Duma deputy from the United Russia faction
United Russia member Elena Rakhova, who became famous for calling Leningraders who lived less than 120 days under the siege “not before the siege,” has a daughter who lives in the United States.
Polina Rakhova graduated from the Faculty of International Relations of St. Petersburg State University and then went to New York.
17. Family of B. Gryzlov, member of the Security Council.
The daughter of ex-speaker of the State Duma, one of the founders of the United Russia party, and now member of the Security Council Boris Gryzlov, Evgenia lives in Tallinn
And I even recently received Estonian citizenship.
18. Family of A. Fursenko.
Former Minister of Education Andrei Fursenko, who pushed the Unified State Exam system into the country, for a long time hid from the public that his children also studied abroad.
Today his son Alexander lives permanently in the USA
19. Family of V. Nikonov (grandson of Molotov), president of the Politika Foundation
Son Alexey is a US citizen.
Where did this gentleman show up? That's right, in the Anti-Magnitsky Act, in defense of the law banning the adoption of children by American citizens.
CONCLUSION
This is only the shortest list; in fact, the number of children and grandchildren living in the West amounts to thousands, if not tens of thousands.
The list contains the most odious “patriots” and “enemies of the West” who keep their families in the “den of the enemy.”
Their children study, live and work in the West; they no longer have anything in common with Russia. This is the path their parents chose for them.
Their parents are the president, prime minister, his deputies, ministers, deputies, etc.~
They despise Russia and its people, they see the future of their children and their own in the West, where they have everything to meet old age.
With such a hypocritical government, Russia has no future.

Childhood and youth

Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev was born on September 14, 1965 in Leningrad, Russian. Father - Anatoly Afanasyevich Medvedev, professor of Leningradsky Institute of Technology(LTI) named after Lensoveta (died in 2004); mother, Yulia Veniaminovna Medvedeva, is a philologist, taught at the Herzen Pedagogical Institute, and later worked as a guide in the museum. He was the only child in the family. The family lived in the working-class neighborhood of Kupchino on the outskirts of Leningrad.

In 1987 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University (LSU). A. A. Zhdanova, in 1990 - graduate school at the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University. Candidate of Legal Sciences (1990; dissertation topic “Problems of implementing the civil legal personality of a state enterprise”).

Since his youth he has been fond of hard rock, mentioning Deep Purple, Black Sabbath and Led Zeppelin among his favorite bands; collects records from these and other bands (in particular, he has collected a complete collection of Deep Purple records). He also listens to Russian rock bands, in particular Chaif. During his student years, he was interested in photography, was involved in weightlifting, and won a university weightlifting competition in his weight category.

University work

In 1982, before entering Leningrad State University, he began working as a laboratory assistant at LETI.

In 1987-90, simultaneously with his postgraduate studies, he was an assistant at the Department of Civil Law of Leningrad State University (head of the department - Alexander Sergeev). Since 1988 (from 1988 to 1990 as a graduate student) he taught civil and Roman law at the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University, then St. Petersburg State University.
In the spring of 1989 he participated in election campaign Anatoly Sobchak on the elections to the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR.

From 1990 to 1999 he taught private law disciplines at the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University (then St. Petersburg State University). Assistant professor. At the same time, in 1990-1995, he was an adviser to the Chairman of the Leningrad City Council Anatoly Sobchak, an expert on the Committee for External Relations of the St. Petersburg City Hall. At Smolny, Medvedev was involved in the development and execution of transactions, contracts and various investment projects. Completed an internship in Sweden on local government issues.

One of the authors of the repeatedly reprinted three-volume textbook “Civil Law”, edited by A.P. Sergeev and Yu.K. Tolstoy, wrote 4 chapters for it (on state and municipal enterprises, credit and settlement obligations, transport law, alimony obligations). Stopped teaching in 1999 due to moving to Moscow.

Government Jobs

On November 9, 1999, he was appointed Deputy Chief of Staff of the Government of the Russian Federation (Head of the Staff - D. Kozak). On January 11, 2000 he was relieved of his post, as on December 31, 1999 by decree and. O. President V. Putin was appointed Deputy Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation (Head of the Administration - Alexander Voloshin).

On June 3, 2000, by decree of President V. Putin, he was appointed First Deputy Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation.

On June 30, 2000, at the annual meeting of shareholders of OJSC Gazprom, he was elected chairman of the board of directors of the company instead of Viktor Chernomyrdin.

In April 2001, he became the head of the organization created on the instructions of President V. Putin working group on liberalization of the Gazprom share market.

In October 2002, he was appointed presidential representative on the National Banking Council (NBC).

On October 30, 2003, he was appointed head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation, replacing A. Voloshin, who resigned.

In April 2004 he was appointed a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.

On November 14, 2005, it was announced that Medvedev was appointed First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation and relieved of his post as head of the Presidential Administration (his successor in this post was Sergei Sobyanin).

In May 2006, he headed the commission for the development of television and radio broadcasting.
Also, he heads the board of trustees of the Russian Olympians Support Fund.

Co-author of a textbook on civil law, the first volume of which was published by the Department of Civil Law of Leningrad State University in 1991. (Civil law: textbook / Collective author; ed.: Sergeev, A. P., ed.: Tolstoy, Yu. K.; . - M.: Prospekt, 2002 - . - T.1: . / N D. Egorov, I. V. Eliseev, A. A. Ivanov, M. V. Krotov and D. A. Medvedev - 6th ed., revised and enlarged, 2002. - 773 pp.).

Member of the Presidium of the Coordination Council of the Russian Union of Lawyers. "Association of Lawyers of Russia".

Acting State Councilor of the Russian Federation, 1st class. Laureate (as part of a team of authors) of the Government of the Russian Federation Prize in the field of education for 2001 for the three-volume textbook “Civil Law” for law schools.

A major civil rights scholar, Dmitry Medvedev is widely known for his works primarily in the field of transport law, legal personality of legal entities, and legal regulation of credit and settlement relations.

In 2004, Dmitry Medvedev was elected President of the Association of Alumni of the Faculty of Law of St. Petersburg State University (LSU).

In 2005, by decision of the Academic Council, Dmitry Medvedev was awarded the title of Honorary Doctor of Law of the Law Faculty of St. Petersburg State University.

Election of Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev as president

“Together we will win” is the election slogan of Russian presidential candidate D. Medvedev for the 2008 presidential elections on Manezhnaya Square in Moscow.V. V. Putin approved Medvedev's candidacy, his official nomination as a candidate took place on December 17, 2007.

On December 20, 2007, while submitting documents to the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation, he announced that he would leave the post of Chairman of the Board of Directors of OAO Gazprom if he was elected President of Russia, in accordance with the law.

On March 3, 2008, Russian President V.V. Putin signed decree No. 295 “On the status of the newly elected and not-incumbent President of the Russian Federation” D.A. Medvedev.

In accordance with the Constitution, Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev will take office as President of the Russian Federation on May 7, 2008.

Medvedev's inauguration

In his inaugural speech, he stated that he considered the priority task in his new position to be “the further development of civil and economic freedoms, the creation of new civic opportunities.” He confirmed this course by signing his first decrees, which directly relate to the social sphere. In particular, the first document was a federal law providing for the provision of housing at the expense of the federal budget to all veterans of the Great Patriotic War in need of improved housing conditions until May 2010. The next decree “On measures for the development of housing construction”, as part of the modernization of the relevant infrastructure, provides for the creation of a Federal Fund for Assistance to the Development of Housing Construction. Its main goal will be to promote the development of predominantly individual residential construction: it is seen as a transitional link in the process of forming an affordable housing market and the future use of federally owned land plots as areas for subsequent development of private property. In addition, in order to promote the systemic modernization of higher professional education based on the integration of science, education and production, training of qualified personnel to meet the long-term needs of the innovative economy, the Decree “On Federal Universities” plans to continue the formation of a network of federal universities that provide a high level of educational process, research and technological developments. As part of the decree, the President instructed the Government to consider the issue of creating the Far Eastern Federal University, along with the already established Siberian and Southern Federal Universities.

100 days of President Medvedev

Based on the issued decrees, instructions, visits and speeches, one can already judge what priorities the new president has chosen for himself and what political strategy he intends to adhere to in the near future.
By and large, in the first three months no one expected any high-profile initiatives or tough decisions from Medvedev. Analysts assured that this time would be spent establishing new relations with the very difficult Kremlin environment. Besides, summer is just around the corner, officials are drawn to go on vacation, try to force them to work by rolling up their sleeves. But, despite the fact that the first results of Medvedev’s presidency were quite predictable, he managed to do a lot during this time. A new concept of Russian foreign policy, a National Anti-Corruption Plan, and measures to make life easier for small businesses have been announced.
And finally, the president’s toughest decision was to conduct a peacekeeping operation in South Ossetia.
Medvedev's most notable domestic policy initiative during this time was the development of the National Anti-Corruption Plan. By order of the president, the plan was prepared in a short time, and he signed it. Analysts are confident that Medvedev will not retreat from the implementation of this plan. - For Putin, corruption was a problem that, of course, must be solved. For Medvedev, this is also a tool for increasing his political influence,” notes Alexey Mukhin. - Despite his reputation as a liberal, Medvedev is actually a tough politician. Medvedev was sharply criticized not only by bribe-taking officials, but also by law enforcement agencies and local authorities, who do not allow small businesses to develop, tormenting them with inspections. The President assured entrepreneurs that laws will be adopted in the fall that will make their lives easier. “The program of internal reforms proposed by Medvedev can be called the “Europeanization of Russia,” says Gleb PAVLOVSKY, general director of the Effective Policy Foundation. “We are moving from the war for the state, won by Putin, to the next phase - to the war for the transparency of state institutions and the rule of law.” “Medvedev put the person and his rights at the basis of his internal course,” adds Dmitry Orlov. - By and large, this is the first president who speaks so comprehensively about human values.
Medvedev's new line as president could also be a change in the country's personnel policy. He has already stated that it is necessary to create a personnel reserve, otherwise it has come to the point that finding a person for the post of governor is a whole problem.

International relationships

In the West, Medvedev's election victory was greeted with enthusiasm. Foreign media immediately recognized him as a liberal.
And they waited with interest for the Russian president to voice his foreign policy priorities. Medvedev did this during a visit to Berlin. The West perceived Medvedev as a greater liberal compared to Putin. However, the West has already been able to see that despite the calmness and diplomacy, Medvedev is capable of firmly defending Russia’s position.
The West hoped for a Gorbachev-style change in Russia. That is, they wanted to see softness, spinelessness and uncertainty of national interests, says Dmitry Orlov. - But that did not happen. Medvedev said that he would defend Russia's national interests. This is what happens.
Medvedev's speeches on the international stage convinced Westerners that stability would remain in the country. This means that the billions of dollars that foreign businessmen have invested in Russia are not in danger.
Over the past three months, Medvedev has traveled a lot around the CIS, and also met with all the heads of the Commonwealth at an informal summit in St. Petersburg. - Unlike European policy towards the CIS, Medvedev has not yet put forward new ideas. And they are very necessary, because there is still stagnation here, which is dangerous,” notes Gleb Pavlovsky. - It is enough to take our relations with Kiev and Tbilisi.

It was relations with Georgia that became the first serious test for Medvedev. In this situation, he showed himself not only as president, but also as Supreme Commander-in-Chief. He convened the Security Council, made tough statements and gave the signal to send Russian troops to South Ossetia. Medvedev recalled that upon taking office he took an oath to protect our compatriots, and immediately demonstrated that he intended to fulfill it. Georgia was given a decisive military rebuff. Moreover, the tactics of forcing Tbilisi to peace have been completed. “The President demonstrated strong political will,” notes Sergei Markov. - And such actions, of course, raise his rating in the eyes of the people. When preparing the article, materials from kp.ru were used

Biography of Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev, career and achievements

Biography of Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev, career and achievements, participation in elections

1. Biography

Origin

Childhood and youth

Teaching and scientific activities

Carier start

Career in Moscow

Participation in the elections of the President of Russia

2. Presidential activity of Medvedev

Election and assumption of office

Military conflict with Georgia

Analysis of the internal political situation due to the conflict

3. Economic policy of Russia under Dmitry Medvedev

Financial crisis of 2008 and the domestic political situation

Protectionist measures

4. Recession. Domestic policy (2009)

5. 2008 Presidential Address. Constitutional Amendment Act

6. Foreign policy Russia under Dmitry Medvedev

- “Medvedev Doctrine”

7. Military construction

8. Estimates of the level of corruption in the country

9. Medvedev's business

10. In the field of information technology

11. Personal life and family

Hobbies

Family and personal property

Attitude to religion

12. Criticism

13. Titles, awards, ranks

Medvedev Dmitry Anatolyevich - This Russian statesman and political figure, third President of the Russian Federation, elected in the elections on March 2, 2008, Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and Chairman of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. Candidate of Legal Sciences.

Since November 14, 2005 - First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation, curator of national projects. Chairman of the Board of Directors of OJSC Gazprom. These positions were left by Medvedev after taking the oath of office as President of the Russian Federation.

On December 10, 2007, it was announced that his candidacy for the 2008 presidential election was proposed by the parties “United Russia”, “A Just Russia”, “Civil Force”, and the Agrarian Party of Russia and was supported by the then current President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin.

On March 2, 2008, having received 70.28% (52,530,712) of the votes, he was elected President of Russia. On May 7, 2008, he took office as President of Russia.

Biography

Origin

Father - Anatoly Afanasyevich Medvedev (born November 19, 1926-2004), professor at the Leningrad Technological Institute named after Lensoveta (now St. Petersburg State Technological Institute). Descendant of peasants of the Kursk province.

Mother - Yulia Veniaminovna (born November 21, 1939), daughter of Veniamin Sergeevich Shaposhnikov and Melania Vasilievna Kovaleva; philologist, taught at the Pedagogical Institute named after A. I. Herzen, later worked as a guide in Pavlovsk. Her ancestors - Sergei Ivanovich and Ekaterina Nikitichna Shaposhnikov, Vasily Alexandrovich and Anfiya Filippovna Kovalev - come from Alekseevka, Belgorod region.

Childhood and youth

Born on September 14, 1965 in Leningrad. He was the only child in a family that lived in the Kupchino district, a “dormitory area” of Leningrad.

Dmitry Medvedev maintains contact with his former school. Teacher Vera Smirnova recalled: “He tried very hard, devoted all his time to his studies. He could rarely be found on the street with the guys. He looked like a little old man." When Dmitry Medvedev entered the university, he met Nikolai Kropachev (now the rector of St. Petersburg State University), who described him as follows: “A good, strong student. He went in for sports, weightlifting. I even won something for the faculty. But according to the main course, he was the same as everyone else. Just very diligent.” On the other hand, First Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Oleg Morozov spoke of him as “young, energetic, it couldn’t be better.”

Neighbors of the Medvedevs recall that they behaved respectfully with them, but at some distance. They were called the professorial family. The neighbor says that Dmitry, even when he moved to another apartment, always helped his parents. And about five years ago I took him to Moscow. Anatoly Afanasyevich has now died.

In 1973, Dmitry Medvedev went to first grade at school No. 305. The boy took this event very seriously. He had rarely appeared in the yard before, but here he completely disappeared, sitting all day long on his homework. Judging by the certificate, he studied exactly in all subjects. In mathematics I always received only "A's".

Dima loved not only her subject, but also the teacher herself. I even tried to copy her handwriting. For other subjects, Dmitry also visited the “four”. The boy preferred exact sciences, but also paid attention to literature and Russian. He didn’t miss physical education, he even became the school champion in pull-ups on the horizontal bar. School teachers recall that Dmitry was distinguished by his determination.

It must be said that Medvedev was a gift for a school on the outskirts - he did not swear, did not misbehave, and studied well. But at the same time he was not considered a bore. He had many friends, and not only in his class. Medvedev met his future wife at school; she studied in a parallel class. Svetlana Linnik was from a military family. Cheerful beautiful girl, good girl. The boys ran after her in a crowd, but the blonde Sveta chose Dima. Neighbors recall that he kissed some fair-haired girl right in the yard. Then they wondered: what happened to the quiet boy? Who knew that everything was serious!

Dmitry Medvedev graduated from the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University in 1987 and graduate school at Leningrad State University in 1990. Since his youth he has been fond of hard rock, mentioning Deep Purple, Black Sabbath and Led Zeppelin among his favorite bands; collects records from these and other bands (in particular, he has collected a complete collection of records from the group Deep Purple). He also listens to Russian rock bands, in particular Chaif. During his student years, he was interested in photography, was involved in weightlifting, and won a university weightlifting competition in his weight category. Member of the Komsomol since 1979.

In a conversation with students at the University of the Pacific, Medvedev said that before starting legal practice, he worked as a janitor and earned 120 rubles a month, as well as a 50 ruble increased stipend.

Dmitry Medvedev did not serve in the army, however, as a student at Leningrad State University, he completed 1.5 months of military training in Huhoyamäki (Karelia)

Teaching and scientific activities

Since 1988 (from 1988 to 1990 as a graduate student) he taught civil and Roman law at the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University, then St. Petersburg State University. Topic of the candidate's dissertation: “Problems of implementing the civil legal personality of a state enterprise”, candidate of legal sciences (L., 1990). One of the authors of the repeatedly reprinted three-volume textbook “Civil Law”, edited by A.P. Sergeev and Yu.K. Tolstoy, wrote 4 chapters for it (on state and municipal enterprises, credit and settlement obligations, transport law, alimony obligations). Stopped teaching in 1999 due to moving to Moscow.

Since September 2006, he has headed the International Board of Trustees of the Moscow School of Management SKOLKOVO.

Carier start

From 1990 to 1997 - teaching at St. Petersburg State University. At the same time, in 1990-1995, he was an adviser to the Chairman of the Leningrad City Council Anatoly Aleksandrovich Sobchak, an expert at the Committee for External Relations of the St. Petersburg City Hall. At Smolny, Medvedev was involved in the development and execution of transactions, contracts and various investment projects. Completed an internship in Sweden on local government issues. According to some evidence, at that time many people mistook him for Putin’s secretary and did not take him seriously. The President of the Institute of National Strategy, Stanislav Belkovsky, characterizes Dmitry Medvedev as pliable, soft, psychologically dependent - always absolutely psychologically comfortable for Vladimir Putin. According to other people, Medvedev is “not soft at all, but very domineering.”

According to political scientist Alexei Mukhin, Medvedev made a major contribution to Putin’s defense against charges following an investigation into the activities of the Mayor’s Committee on External Relations in 1992, which threatened Putin with the loss of his position.

Career in Moscow

In 1999, he was appointed Deputy Chief of Staff of the Government of the Russian Federation Dmitry Nikolaevich Kozak.

In 1999-2000, after the departure of B. N. Yeltsin - Deputy Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation; headed the election headquarters of V.V. Putin in the Alexander House, which previously belonged to A. Smolensky, where the center for strategic research of German Gref was then located; in June 2000, after Vladimir Putin’s victory in the presidential elections, Medvedev took the post of first deputy head of the Presidential Administration. According to political expert Stanislav Belkovsky, Alexander Voloshin and Roman Abramovich at that moment themselves proposed Medvedev’s candidacy. After Voloshin left, Medvedev took his place.

In 2000-2001 - Chairman of the Board of Directors of OJSC Gazprom, in 2001 - Deputy Chairman of the Board of Directors of OJSC Gazprom, from June 2002 to May 2008 - Chairman of the Board of Directors of OJSC Gazprom.

From October 2003 to November 2005 - Head of the Administration of the President of Russia. On November 12, 2003, Medvedev was appointed a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. In April 2004, he received the status of a permanent member of the Russian Security Council.

From October 21, 2005 to July 10, 2008 - First Deputy of the Council under the President of the Russian Federation for the implementation of priority national projects and demographic policy, in fact began to supervise priority national projects.

On November 14, 2005, he was appointed First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation (reappointed to this position on September 24, 2007), Mikhail Trinoga, with whom Medvedev worked at Gazprom and then in the presidential administration, was appointed head of his secretariat. From July 13, 2006 to July 10, 2008, Dmitry Medvedev was Chairman of the Presidium of the Council for the Implementation of Priority National Projects.

Participation in the elections of the President of Russia

On November 14, 2005, with the appointment of Dmitry Medvedev to the restored post of First Deputy Prime Minister in charge of national projects (the son of Putin’s friend Boris Kovalchuk was appointed as Medvedev’s assistant and director of the department of national projects), his election campaign de facto began on central television channels. In the same year, his election website was registered.

In February 2006, the Russian press mentioned him as the favorite (in the eyes of President V.V. Putin) of the informal presidential campaign.

In January 2007, Dmitry Medvedev was the main potential candidate for President of Russia. According to the Yuri Levada Analytical Center, 33% of voters were ready to vote for Medvedev in the first round of the presidential election, and 54% of voters in the second round.

In May 2007, Dmitry Medvedev cedes his position to another government candidate, Sergei Ivanov. According to Levada Center polls, 18% of respondents were ready to vote for Medvedev in the first round, while 19% were ready to vote for Ivanov. If Ivanov and Medvedev together reached the second round, then, according to the survey, Ivanov’s chances look preferable (55% for him).

On October 18, 2007, when Prime Minister Viktor Zubkov abolished the practice of broadcasting government meetings to journalists, the active phase of Medvedev’s election campaign began.

On December 10, 2007, V. Putin supported the candidacy of D. Medvedev for the post of President of the Russian Federation. “As for the candidacy of Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev, I have known him very closely for more than 17 years, and I fully and completely support this candidacy,” commented President Putin. The parties “United Russia”, “A Just Russia”, the Agrarian Party and “Civic Force” proposed Dmitry Medvedev as their party’s only candidate for President of Russia. At the same time, according to current legislation, a presidential candidate can be officially nominated from only one political party.

On December 11, 2007, Dmitry Medvedev, in a statement broadcast on state television, said: “I am asking him to give his consent in principle to head the government of Russia after the election of a new president of our country.”

On December 17, 2007, Dmitry Medvedev was nominated as a candidate for the post of President of Russia at the United Russia party congress. During the secret ballot, 478 delegates voted for Medvedev, and 1 delegate voted against.

On December 20, 2007, Dmitry Medvedev notified the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation of his nomination.

The nomination of Medvedev as a candidate was supported by official representatives of a number of religious organizations: Russian Orthodox Church, Spiritual Administration of Muslims of the European Part of Russia, Congress of Jewish Religious Communities and Organizations of Russia.

Dmitry Medvedev lost weight, for this purpose a treadmill.

Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of International Economics. Peterson (The Peter G. Peterson Institute for International Economics) Anders Åslund argued that in light of the inter-clan struggle in the Kremlin that intensified at the end of 2007, the appointment of D. Medvedev as the only candidate from the Kremlin is by no means a foregone conclusion. He also regarded the situation that developed after Medvedev’s nomination as a candidate as “a classic situation on the eve of a coup.”

Medvedev's presidential activities

Election and assumption of office

On December 10, 2007, he was nominated as a candidate for President of the Russian Federation from the United Russia party. On the same day, Medvedev’s candidacy was supported by the parties “A Just Russia”, the Agrarian Party of Russia and the “Civic Force” party. This decision was made at a meeting in the Kremlin of President Vladimir Putin, Medvedev himself, as well as Chairman of the State Duma Boris Gryzlov, Chairman of the Federation Council Sergei Mironov and the heads of the Agrarian Party Vladimir Plotnikov and the Civil Power party Mikhail Barshchevsky. V.V. Putin approved Medvedev’s candidacy, his official nomination as a candidate took place on December 17, 2007.

On December 20, 2007, while submitting documents to the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation, he announced that he would leave the post of Chairman of the Board of Directors of OJSC Gazprom if he was elected President of Russia, in accordance with the law.

The election headquarters of Dmitry Medvedev was headed by the head of the Presidential Administration, Sergei Sobyanin, who went on vacation while working there. The main themes and slogans of the campaign were:

improving the level and quality of life of the population, continuing work on priority national projects;

laying the principle “freedom is better than lack of freedom” as the basis for state policy...(speech at the V Krasnoyarsk Economic Forum “Russia 2008-2020. Managing Growth” on February 15, 2008);

following the ideas of Concept 2020 - development of institutions, infrastructure, innovation, investment, as well as cooperation and assistance to business;

the return of Russia to the status of a world power and its further development, integration into world relations, its own position on all key international issues, the widespread defense of Russian interests.

On March 2, 2008, he was elected to the post of President of the Russian Federation. While remaining a member of the Government, he was the elected President of the Russian Federation until he officially took office as President of the Russian Federation.

On March 3, 2008, President Vladimir Putin signed Decree No. 295 “On the status of the newly elected and not yet inaugurated President of the Russian Federation.” In accordance with the Constitution, Medvedev took office as President of the Russian Federation 2 months after the official summing up of the 2008 election results and 4 years after Vladimir Putin officially took office in 2004 - May 7, 2008 (at 12:09 p.m. Moscow time).

In honor of this event, on the same day a number of philatelic materials went on sale under common name“On March 2, 2008, D. A. Medvedev was elected President of the Russian Federation,” published by the Marka publishing and trading center.

According to a VTsIOM poll conducted shortly after Medvedev’s inauguration, 86% of Russians knew that he was already President; 10% considered V.V. Putin to be the President; 1% of respondents considered Medvedev the Chairman.

Military conflict with Georgia

On the night of 7–8 August 2008, Georgian troops began intensive artillery shelling of the South Ossetian capital Tskhinvali and surrounding areas; A few hours later, the city was stormed by Georgian armored vehicles and infantry. As a result of the attack, more than ten Russian peacekeeping troops were killed and several dozen were wounded. The official reason for the attack on Tskhinvali, according to the Georgian side, was a violation of the ceasefire by South Ossetia, which, in turn, claims that Georgia was the first to open fire.

According to a number of reports in several Russian newspapers, as well as Georgian intelligence statements released a month later, in September 2008, separate units of the Russian 58th Army were deployed to South Ossetia starting in the early morning of August 7, 2008. However, according to Russian data, as well as reports from a number of Western media and politicians, the Georgian side's claims about the early transfer of Russian troops are false. In the evening of the same day, the Georgian and South Ossetian sides of the conflict accused each other of violating the terms of the truce.

On the morning of August 8, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili, in a televised address, announced the “liberation” by Georgian security forces of the Tsinagar and Znauri districts, the villages of Dmenisi, Gromi and Khetagurovo, as well as most of Tskhinvali; he accused Russia of bombing Georgian territory, calling it “classic international aggression”; general mobilization was announced in Georgia. On the same day, South Ossetian President Eduard Kokoity reported numerous casualties among civilians in South Ossetia and accused Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili of genocide of the Ossetian people.

On August 8, 2008, President Medvedev said: “Tonight in South Ossetia, Georgian troops, in fact, committed an act of aggression against Russian peacekeepers and civilians. We will not allow the death of our compatriots with impunity. The perpetrators will receive the punishment they deserve.”

Medvedev later noted: “Ultimately, for some time we still had hopes that this was still some kind of provocation that would not be carried through to the end. But at that moment, when the missile guns actually started working, the tanks started shooting, and I was informed about the death of our citizens, including peacekeepers, I did not hesitate for a minute and gave the order to defeat and respond.”

On August 9, President D. Medvedev began a meeting with Defense Minister A. Serdyukov and Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces N. Makarov with the words: “Our peacekeepers and the units assigned to them are currently carrying out an operation to force the Georgian side to peace.” No information about the official document (decree or order of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief) on the basis of which the 58th Army and other units began operating was made public; There was also no mention of such a document in the statements of officials. According to the statement of the Deputy Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, Colonel General A. Nogovitsyn dated August 9, 2008, Russia was not at that moment in a state of war with Georgia: “All units of the 58th Army that arrived in Tskhinvali were sent here to provide assistance to the Russian peacekeeping battalion, which suffered heavy losses as a result of shelling of its positions by units of the Georgian army.”

On August 12, Medvedev announced that he had decided to complete the operation to “force the Georgian authorities to peace.” On the same day, at a joint press conference with French President Nicolas Sarkozy, following Vladimir Putin, he called the actions of the Georgian army in the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict zone “genocide” and “ethnic cleansing” and spoke insultingly about the leadership of Georgia.

Russia's military actions on the territory of a neighboring state caused a negative assessment and criticism from most Western states. A possible violation of Russian legislation when using the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation outside the country (Article 102 of the Russian Constitution, etc.) allowed former assistant to the President of the Russian Federation Georgy Satarov to suggest at the end of August: “Medvedev, as president, sent troops into the Georgian zone.” the Ossetian conflict without the sanction of the Federation Council is a gross violation of the Constitution. Therefore, I can propose the following plot: Putin gives Medvedev the opportunity to make a bunch of mistakes, and then arranges impeachment and organizes new presidential elections; this will not be difficult for him. If Putin were a true comrade, he would not have left Medvedev alone in this situation.”

During the Russian-Georgian armed conflict, Dmitry Medvdev met twice in an official setting with the president of unrecognized Abkhazia and once with the president of unrecognized South Ossetia. On June 26, Medvedev received the President of the Republic of Abkhazia Sergei Bagapsh in the Kremlin, and on August 14 (after the end of active hostilities in Georgia) he met in the Kremlin with the President of the Republic of Abkhazia Sergei Bagapsh and the President of the Republic of South Ossetia Eduard Kokoity. During the meeting, Kokoity and Bagapsh signed six principles for resolving the Georgian-South Ossetian and Georgian-Abkhaz conflicts, previously developed by Medvedev and Sarkozy; The presidents of the unrecognized republics were informed that Russia would support any decision on the status of South Ossetia and Abkhazia that the peoples of these republics would make.

As it turned out in October 2008, based on an analysis of satellite images of the environs of Tskhinvali, additional destruction civilian objects occurred between 10 and 19 August 2008, that is, after the occupation of the city by Russian troops: hundreds of houses were burned in ethnically Georgian villages in South Ossetia.

Analysis of the internal political situation due to the conflict

The comparison between the behavior of Medvedev and Putin during the conflict in Georgia led Western observers to wonder “who is in charge in the Kremlin” and came to the answer: “The current conflict has confirmed what has become increasingly clear in recent weeks: Putin continues to be in charge.” Financial Times commentator Philip Stevens, in the issue of August 29, 2008, called Medvedev “the nominal president of Russia” (Dmitry Medvedev, Russia’s notional president). The Russian Newsweek magazine dated September 1, 2008 and the Vlast magazine dated the same date came to the same conclusion. The latter also noted:

“Another noticeable consequence of the Georgian conflict can be considered the final collapse of hopes for liberalization of the internal political course that appeared among a certain part of Russian society after the election of Dmitry Medvedev as president.”

Commentators in the Russian magazine The New Times on September 1, 2008 expressed a similar assessment of the situation in the country: “Inside the country, it seems that the choice between reforms and mobilization has been made in favor of the latter. Of course, members of the ruling duumvirate believe that a third way is possible, a kind of “mobilization modernization” in conditions of “easy” isolation from key states and institutions of the Western world. And - in the absence of institutions within the country. Of course, this is an illusion."

It is noteworthy that when analyzing the political and economic situation in the country after the conflict with Georgia, Anders Aslund in his article dated September 3 never mentions D. Medvedev and speaks of V. Putin as the only leader of Russia: “August 8 stands out as a fatal day for Russia. It marks Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's greatest mistake. Putin is turning Russia into a bandit state.” Economist Judy Shelton, author of the 1989 book “The Coming Soviet Crash,” made the same point in her article “The Market Will Punish Putinism,” published in the Wall Street Journal on September 3, 2008: Putin “will face One thing to learn is that sometimes the invisible hand of the market strikes back.”

The French magazine Le Point on August 31, 2008 wrote that “in the Kremlin, as well as in the presidential office, Vladimir Putin is still called “chief”. And during the Georgian crisis, it was the Prime Minister, and not Dmitry Medvedev, who “settled” the situation.” Ekho Moskvy columnist Evgenia Albats said in September of the same year that “although Medvedev receives press attention, he looks like Putin’s press secretary.”

Former Deputy Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation (1996-1997) B. A. Berezovsky said in November 2008: “there is no tandem, there is a buffoon and a dictator, who was in power and remains. What is happening now is a great fraud."

Political scientist Liliya Shevtsova wrote in the Vedomosti newspaper on September 17: “The war between Russia and Georgia in 2008 was the last chord in the formation of the anti-Western vector of the state and at the same time the finishing touch in the consolidation of the new system. In the 90s, this system existed as a hybrid, which combined incompatible things - democracy and autocracy, economic reforms and state expansion, partnership with and suspicion of the West. From now on, the Russian system becomes unambiguous, and there is no longer any doubt about its qualities and its trajectory. The August events confirmed one simple truth: foreign policy in Russia has become an instrument for implementing the domestic political agenda. The August War makes it pointless to discuss the question of who rules Russia and what are the relations within ruling tandem Medvedev - Putin. Medvedev put on Putin's jacket and became military president, and it was he who had to close the era in the country's development begun by Mikhail Gorbachev.

The Financial Times, September 20, 2008, noted what it saw as changes in the social contract between Russia's propertied class and the power faction: “Putinism was built on the understanding that if bigwigs played by the Kremlin's rules, they would prosper. Recent military adventurism has undermined this great bargain. The oligarchs suffered a major blow as a result of the market collapse; The relief package came only after concerned business elites complained to the Kremlin. After the recent shake-up, the loyalty of the oligarchs is no longer taken for granted.”

President Medvedev’s speech on September 19, 2008 in the Kremlin “at a meeting with representatives of public organizations,” according to political scientist V. Nikonov, “was addressed to groups of elites within the country” who were concerned about the prospect of militarization of public consciousness. The President, in particular, said: “No new external circumstances - and even less pressure on Russia from the outside - will change our strategic line to build a free, progressive and democratic state and society. All tasks related to economic development, expansion of entrepreneurial, creative and personal freedom will be resolved urgently, without reference to the fact that the country is in special situation“There are enemies around.”

According to a FOM survey conducted on August 23-24, 2008, in the opinion of 80% of Russians surveyed in various regions of the country, “ modern Russia can be called a great power"; 69% believed that Russian foreign policy was “very effective”; The vast majority of survey participants - 82% - said that "Russia should strive to become the most influential country in the world." Analyzing the FOM survey data, the FT wrote on September 23, 2008: “Russian society, which overwhelmingly supported the war, has become a bastion of tough politics. Polls suggest that this could prevent the few politicians who are trying to restore ties with the West from supporting economic and political integration with the West in the interests of Western countries.”

A number of human rights activists and liberal-oriented journalists and economists, as a consequence of the Russian-Georgian conflict, noted a significant increase in government pressure on freedom of speech and restrictions on human rights activities.

Priority national projects

A special block of work is priority national projects, the activities of which, from the first days of preparation and implementation, are carried out under the leadership of Dmitry Medvedev.

Accordingly, almost all ministries are, in one way or another, connected with the implementation of national projects.

It should be noted that the system of control and management of national projects is specific to Russia in its effectiveness.

However, in addition to the administrative structures, a significant part of the control over projects is carried out personally by Dmitry Medvedev - on constant business trips around the country, regular conference calls and meetings not only with officials, but also with citizens for whom these projects are being implemented.

Dmitry Medvedev is the Chairman of the Board of Directors of OJSC Gazprom, a strategic company and a leading global supplier of energy resources.

Since his arrival at Gazprom, gradual, careful, but effective work on optimization began foreign economic activity and increase social role companies within the country. In fact, “preferential friendly” supplies of Russian gas for next to nothing have been stopped. The company is increasingly entering into partnerships with foreign counterparties.

In addition, Gazprom is consistently implementing gasification of the country, ensuring access of “blue fuel” to more than 300 settlements in year.

Also, it should be noted that the company has noticeably increased activity in social sphere.

For example, the Gazprom for Children program.

Dmitry Medvedev: “We hope that in 2006-2007, with the help of Gazprom, hundreds of sports facilities located in various regions of the country will be reconstructed. The estimated volume of investments allocated for these purposes will be about four billion rubles in 2006-2007.”

Economic policy of Russia under Dmitry Medvedev

Financial crisis of 2008 and the domestic political situation

Medvedev's public demand on July 31, 2008, to "stop creating a nightmare for business" - days after Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's harsh statements to Mechel management on July 24 - were seen by some observers as being in "direct contradiction" with each other. According to B. Nemtsov on August 1, 2008, “for the first time, perhaps, the president firmly and unequivocally opposed Putin’s line.”

The magazine "Expert" D" for August 2008 wrote:

“In connection with the Mechel case, talk has begun that serious disagreements have emerged in the relations between Dmitry Medvedev and Vladimir Putin. To the point that the president can dismiss the government, which will result in a clash between two factions and a political crisis.”

After the conflict in Georgia, the Russian stock exchange experienced one of the most powerful drops in prices in the last decade. In just one day, the stock price fell almost 6 percent. Investors' biggest fear is that a new era of military confrontation between Russia and its neighbors will dawn. Meanwhile, Medvedev's ambitious reform plan has been hijacked by Putin's ambitions. Having come to power, Medvedev spoke about the need to put an end to Russian tradition“legal nihilism”, extortion and corruption. Just last month, the president told Russian officials to stop “horrifying” businessmen with petty quibbles and demands for bribes. He also promised to reform the judicial system and property rights. But just as Medvedev put himself into first gear and felt more confident in his role as president, he found history grabbing him by the throat - in the form of Putin and the small, festering post-Soviet conflict that erupted into a full-scale war.

The Financial Times of September 18, 2008, in its extensive material devoted to the analysis of the Russian economy, saw the primary reason for the collapse of the Russian stock market, the liquidity crisis and capital outflow in August - September 2008 in the country's internal problems: the Russian financial sector was hit hardest by the credit crisis in the USA. For the Moscow stock exchanges and banks, the international situation aggravated the existing crisis situation, which was explained mainly by internal factors, that is, the August Russian-Georgian war.

The newspaper highlighted the milestones of the path that led to the crisis: the rise of the market in May, when, after the election of Dmitry Medvedev to the presidency, a flow of investment began to flow into the country; the appearance at the end of May of the first indicators of a future decline (an attack on the British side in the Anglo-Russian joint venture TNK-BP); the forced departure of the company's general director, Robert Dudley, from the country in July; Putin’s statement at the same time regarding the head of the Mechel company Igor Zyuzin, which served as an impetus for panic among investors; subsequent investigations by antimonopoly services against other large metallurgical companies. The finale, according to the publication, was the military campaign against Georgia: “The war in Georgia was the last straw for many. Fear of the Kremlin's capricious and capricious behavior led to a massive exodus of investors from the country; According to experts, in the first few weeks after the outbreak of hostilities, investments worth twenty-one billion dollars left Russia. Additional negative factors were the general instability of world stock markets and the fall in oil prices, on which Russia’s financial well-being depends. On September 16, Alexei Kudrin said that if oil costs less than $70 per barrel, the federal budget will come to a deficit balance.

A number of other foreign publications also assessed the situation.

On September 19, 2008, the international rating agency Standard & Poor's revised the forecast for the sovereign credit ratings of the Russian Federation from “Positive” to “Stable”; long-term credit ratings for obligations in foreign currency (BBB+) and for obligations in national currency (A- ), as well as short-term sovereign credit ratings (A-2) were confirmed.

On October 1, the head of the Russian Government, V. Putin, placed all responsibility for the financial crisis on the US government and “system”, saying: “Everything that is happening today in the sphere of economics and finance began, as is known, in the USA. This whole crisis that many economies are facing and, what is most sad, the inability to make adequate decisions is no longer the irresponsibility of specific individuals, but the irresponsibility of the system. A system that, as we know, aspired to leadership. But we see that it is not only unable to provide leadership, but is not even capable of making adequate, absolutely necessary decisions to overcome crisis phenomena.”

At the same Government meeting, it was announced that a decision had been made to sharply increase the tax burden on the wage funds of enterprises: from 2010, the unified social tax (UST) with a rate of 26% should be replaced by three insurance contributions totaling 34% of the wage fund. The decision to abolish the unified social tax caused a negative reaction from Russian business; On October 2, 2008, “Business Russia” addressed Putin with a proposal to declare a moratorium on any tax innovations until the end of the financial crisis in world markets. Director of the FBK strategic analysis department, Igor Nikolaev, noted that increasing the effective rate from 20-22% to approximately 30% is “very much”: “This is a very bad decision, problems in the stock market and in the economy as a whole are complemented by powerful disincentives. We will not only reduce the rate of economic growth, but will completely reset it next year. If it were possible to choose the worst moment to increase the tax burden, then it was chosen.”

An economic observer for NG on October 6, noting the secretive nature of the decision-making on the UST, wrote: “It is not clear why it was necessary to carry out such a painful pension reform now, in the midst of the crisis, and not two years earlier, when everything was fine.”

On October 6, 2008, there was a record drop in the entire history of the Russian stock market in the RTS index: during the day by 19.1% - to 866.39 points; in London, where trading did not stop, Russian blue chips fell in price by 30-50%).

On October 7, 2008, President Medvedev, after a meeting with the economic bloc of the government, said that the state would provide Russian banks with a subordinated loan in the amount of up to 950 billion rubles for a period of at least five years. The news did not change the general trend in the markets; Oil and gas giants (LUKOIL, Rosneft, TNK-BP and Gazprom) requested government support to pay off debt on external borrowings

On October 8, 2008, President Medvedev, speaking at the Conference on World Politics in Evian (France), outlined his thoughts on the nature and lessons of the economic crisis: in his opinion, the crisis was “led, first of all, by the economic “selfishness” of a number of countries.” He proposed a 5-point program, the first of which was: “in the new conditions, it is necessary to streamline and bring into the system both national and international institutions regulation." On the same day, it was reported that layoffs had begun at Russian companies - contrary to the promises of officials and analysts' forecasts, as well as the shutdown of GAZ conveyors and a reduction in the number of working days at KamAZ.

On October 9, Russian mass media reported for the first time that the crisis was “reaching the people”; Chairman of the Russian Government V. Putin, at a meeting with the parliamentary faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, stated that “trust in the United States as the leader of the free world and a free economy, trust in Wall Street as the center of this trust has been undermined, I believe, forever. There will be no return to the previous situation.” On the same day, the weekly Argumenty Nedeli published an article entitled “Why should V. Putin “burn out” in the fire of crisis?” expressed the point of view that, based on the need for someone to answer the question “Who is responsible for this?” and the fact that “in the last week or two in the State Duma, the Federation Council and the business community they started talking about the fact that V. Putin must be saved” (“His authority and charisma should not become a victim of the global economic crisis”), “V. It is better for Putin to entrust the post of chairman of the government and not engage in “manual management” of the financial crisis and housing and communal services,” retaining “political commanding heights in his hands as the leader of the nation and the ruling party.” According to the publication, “the search for a candidate for the position of prime minister has already begun,” in connection with which the publication named the names of State Duma Chairman B. Gryzlov and Finance Minister A. Kudrin as candidates to “become the last one.” The name of the latter also appeared in the Russian press as a possible candidate for resignation, which was called for on October 9 by the leader of the Communist Party faction at a meeting with Prime Minister V. Putin.

On the same day, in an interview with Radio Liberty, economist, former adviser to the President of Russia (2000-2005) A. N. Illarionov said, speaking about the impact of the financial crisis on the real economy: “the fact is that modern world everything is connected. If the person acting as the Russian president declares that he is not afraid of the Cold War, then investors, both foreign and Russian, draw a corresponding conclusion for themselves. And if he is not afraid of the Cold War, then they are. They are afraid of both a “cold” and a “hot” war, any kind of war. And they make a decision for themselves and begin to withdraw funds from the Russian Federation, from Russian projects. They believe that in war conditions they have a very high risk of losing everything, and they stop their projects. And indeed, this extends along the chain to the same construction market, to the mortgage, because these projects are designed for long-term payback.”

In connection with the adoption by the State Duma of a number of bills on October 10 and V. Putin’s statement that the Development Bank (Vnesheconombank), in which he is the Chairman of the Supervisory Board, will act as the operator for the placement of government funds (including funds from the National Welfare Fund of Russia) in Russian stocks and bonds, Russian Newsweek of October 13, 2008 reported that VEB is already taking shares of Russian enterprises as collateral as collateral for loans, which creates a “risk of nationalization” and redistribution of property. According to the former Chairman of the Government M. Kasyanov on October 15, 2008, “the crisis is a reason for the redistribution of property.” Entrepreneur and State Duma deputy of the fourth convocation A. E. Lebedev and political scientist A. Belkovsky also spoke about the danger of corrupt use of the scheme proposed by the government; an editorial in the FT dated October 16, 2008 also spoke of the threat of an intensification of inter-actional struggle in the ruling group and big business, which will take place at the expense of “the interests of ordinary citizens.” On October 15, the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (RSPP) spoke out against the government’s idea to involve the Development Bank in purchasing shares of public companies.

Commentators regarded the release from custody of former Deputy Minister of Finance of the Russian Federation S. A. Storchak on October 21, 2008, as a victory for the economic wing of the government over the “siloviki”.

The speech of the leader of the United Russia party V. Putin on November 20 at the 10th party congress with an anti-crisis economic stimulation program was regarded by some commentators as a declaration of his intention to return to the Kremlin “in the role of the savior of the nation.” Vladimir Milov assessed the measures announced by V. Putin as “imitation.”

On December 4, 2008, after a “direct line” from Prime Minister V. Putin, which some regarded as a staged act, Putin told a BBC correspondent that the next presidential elections would take place in 2012 and that his cooperation with Medvedev was an “effective tandem”; The broadcaster regarded the fact that the "direct line" was conducted by Putin (and not the President) as evidence that "Putin has hardly relinquished any real power since leaving the presidency."

According to Rosstat data published in January 2009, the scale of the fall in real disposable income of the population in December almost doubled compared to November, reaching 11.6% (compared to December of the previous year), real wages fell by 4.6% (+7.2 % in November), the average monthly growth rate of the unemployed in the 4th quarter reached 23% (compared to the same period in 2007) against 5.6% in the 3rd quarter.

Protectionist measures

In violation of international obligations (to refrain from applying protectionist measures for 12 months - paragraph 13 of the G20 Summit Declaration), adopted on November 14, 2008 by President Medvedev at the anti-crisis summit of the G20 countries, on January 12, 2009, in accordance with the resolution of the Russian government “On Amendments c Customs tariff on certain motor vehicles Vehicle", signed on December 5, 2008 by Prime Minister V.V. Putin, new, increased customs duties on foreign-made trucks and cars imported into Russia came into force. The government's decision caused mass protests in cities of the Far East, Siberia and other regions in December 2008, which continued in early January 2009, mainly under political slogans.

On January 12, 2009, a representative of the European Commission stated that the actions of the Russian government contradict the 2004 bilateral agreement on accession to the World Trade Organization: “The European Commission seriously regrets this position.”

On January 28, 2009, in Davos, V. Putin said in his speech, in particular: “We cannot allow ourselves to slide into isolationism and unbridled economic selfishness. At the G20 summit, the leaders of the world's leading economies agreed to refrain from erecting barriers to global trade and capital flows. Russia shares these views. And even if in a crisis a certain increase in protectionism turns out to be inevitable, which, unfortunately, is what we are seeing today, then we all need to know a sense of proportion.”

Recession. Domestic Politics (2009)

According to data released in January 2009 by Rosstat, in December 2008 the fall in industrial production in Russia reached 10.3% compared to December 2007 (8.7% in November), which was the deepest decline in production over the last decade; Overall, in the 4th quarter of 2008, the fall in industrial production was 6.1% compared to the same period in 2007. On January 30, Andrei Illarionov assessed the rate of decline in November and December 2008 as “unparalleled in modern Russian economic history.”

On January 22, 2009, new calculations by the Ministry of Economic Development of the Russian Federation were published, according to which Russia's GDP in 2009 will decrease by 0.2% (instead of growing by 2.4% according to the previous forecast); the forecast for a fall in industrial production in 2009 was increased to 5.7% (against a decline of 3.2% according to the previous forecast); investments in fixed capital in 2009 will decrease by 1.7% (against the previously expected growth of 1.4%). On February 17, the Ministry of Economic Development adjusted the forecast for 2009 to minus 2.2% of GDP and minus 7.4% for industry, leaving the forecast for the price of oil the same - $41 per barrel. A new version forecast will require another recalculation of the federal budget for 2009.

On February 16, 2008, international news agencies, in connection with Medvedev’s removal of 4 regional leaders, quoted analysts who saw in this step, as well as some others, Medvedev’s desire to get out of “Putin’s shadow.” “Izvestia” dated February 16, 2009, in its subtitle to the material on the dismissal of governors, presented the personnel decision as the will of the “prime minister,” although the article itself stated: “Medvedev demonstrates that he is not at all going to “freeze” the political elites and, over time, “Putin’s “The regional composition could easily thin out.” Analytical materials in NG dated February 19, 2009 were devoted to opinions circulating in the political environment “about some differences in the [Medvedev-Putin] tandem specifically regarding regional leaders,” as well as some other issues of personnel policy.”

“NG” dated March 2, 2009, analyzing internal documents of the Government and the Presidential Administration in connection with the “refusal to implement” by the Ministry of Finance, headed by Kudrin, the President’s instructions of October 19, 2008 to quickly change the taxation system for the coal industry (introduce a differentiated tax rate), concluded that in the conflict between Medvedev and Kudrin, Putin “non-publicly, apparently, took the side of the Minister of Finance.”

2008 Presidential Address. Constitutional Amendment Act

The announcement of the annual message of the President of Russia to the Federal Assembly, scheduled for October 23, 2008, was postponed indefinitely; it was reported that Medvedev intends to make anti-crisis amendments to it. On the same day, the media reported, citing expert opinion, that “the global financial crisis has already begun to affect the lives of Russian citizens.”

In a message to the Federal Assembly, read on November 5, 2008 in the St. George Hall of the Grand Kremlin Palace (all previous ones were read in the Marble Hall of the Kremlin), he criticized the United States and proposed amendments to the Russian Constitution (which he called “corrections of the Constitution”), which would extend the powers of the president and the State Duma up to six and five years, respectively; the president's new proposal was "received with prolonged applause." The President “warned” those “who hope to provoke an aggravation of the political situation”: “We will not allow inciting social and ethnic hatred, deceiving people and involving them in illegal actions.” According to an unnamed “source close to the presidential administration” of the Vedomosti newspaper on November 6, “the plan for extending the terms of office was formed back in 2007 under Putin” and provided for the latter’s return to the Kremlin for a longer period; the source suggested that in such a scenario, “Medvedev may resign early, citing changes to the Constitution.” Similar opinions were expressed by government sources in the Russian Newsweek magazine on November 10. V. Putin’s press secretary Dmitry Peskov said for the Vedomosti newspaper: “I see no reason for Putin to return to the presidential post next year, because in 2009 the term of the current president will continue.”

On the evening of November 7, the leader of the United Russia party, Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation V. Putin, at a meeting with the leadership of the party, which was also attended by First Deputy Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation V. Surkov and Chief of Staff of the Government of the Russian Federation S. Sobyanin, said: “I think that United Russia should support the position of the President, and, using its political resources, ensure the passage of the President’s proposals through the federal parliament, and, if necessary, through regional legislative assemblies.” The proposal sparked protests from the opposition and human rights activists.

On November 11, 2008, President Medvedev, in accordance with Article 134 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and Article 3 of the Federal Law “On the procedure for the adoption and entry into force of amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation,” submitted to the State Duma draft laws on amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation: “On changing the deadline powers of the President of the Russian Federation and the State Duma" and "On the control powers of the State Duma in relation to the Government of the Russian Federation."

On November 13, 2008, some Russian media reported that, according to some State Duma deputies, at the United Russia congress on November 20 of the same year, V. Putin could join the party and become Chairman of the State Duma; The possibility of re-election to the State Duma was not excluded.

On November 14, 2008, during a discussion of draft laws on amendments, State Duma deputy Viktor Ilyukhin (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) noted: “The question arises: why today? Why such a rush? The president has another 3.5 years of rule ahead, and we must decide today on extending his powers?”

On November 18, President Medvedvev, answering questions from journalists in Izhevsk, said that he thought about the need to change the terms of office of the head of state and the State Duma several years ago; he also said: “I’ll be honest, I believe that Russia should not be a parliamentary republic, for us it’s just like death, but, nevertheless, it still strengthens the powers of the State Duma and gives additional levers of control regarding those decisions that accepted by the government."

On November 19, during the passage of amendments to the Constitution in the State Duma in the second reading, along with the Communist Party faction that voted against, the LDPR faction did not participate in the voting due to the refusal of the State Duma Committee on Constitutional Legislation to submit constitutional initiatives of the LDPR for discussion.

On December 30, 2008, the Amendment Law was signed by Medvedev and came into force the next day.

The American organization Freedom House argued that increasing the term of presidential and parliamentary powers made Russia “an even more unfree country.”

Russian foreign policy under Dmitry Medvedev

"Medvedev Doctrine"

The primacy of the fundamental principles of international law.

Rejection of a unipolar world and construction of a multipolarity.

Avoiding isolation and confrontation with other countries.

Protecting the life and dignity of Russian citizens, “no matter where they are.”

Protecting Russia’s interests in “its friendly regions.”

On July 6-8, 2009, Dmitry Medvedev held talks with Barack Obama during his official working visit to Moscow. During the visit, bilateral agreements were signed, including on the transit of American military cargo to Afghanistan through Russian territory, and guidelines for the reduction of strategic offensive weapons were outlined.

In September 2009, the Barack Obama administration announced its decision not to deploy missile defense (BMD) systems in the Czech Republic and Poland. Although it was stated that this decision was not related to Russia's position of concern about these prospects, this decision created favorable conditions for Dmitry Medvedev's visit to the United States, scheduled for September 22, 2009. During bilateral negotiations between Presidents Medvedev and Obama on September 24, the Russian side agreed with that "sanctions may be applied to Iran if it does not agree to curtail its nuclear program." Dmitry Medvedev also announced that a new nuclear arms reduction treaty could be ready by December 2009, and that a decision had been made to abandon the deployment of missile systems in the Kaliningrad region

On August 26, 2008, Dmitry Medvedev signed the decrees “On recognition of the Republic of Abkhazia” and “On recognition of the Republic of South Ossetia”, according to which the Russian Federation recognized both republics “as a sovereign and independent state” and pledged to establish diplomatic relations with each of them and conclude an agreement of friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance. Russia's recognition of the independence of Georgian regions caused condemnation from most Western countries; was not supported by any other CIS state.

Five days later, on August 31, 2008, in an interview with three Russian television channels in Sochi, Medvedev announced five “positions” on which he intends to build the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The first of the “positions” he named read: “Russia recognizes the primacy of the fundamental principles of international law that determine relations between civilized peoples.” The fifth “position” proclaimed: “Russia, like other countries in the world, has regions in which there are privileged interests. These regions contain countries with which we traditionally have friendly, good-hearted, historically special relations. We will work very carefully in these regions and develop such friendly relations with these states, with our close neighbors.” The Italian newspaper La Repubblica of September 3, in its article “New Yalta: Today's rulers and spheres of influence,” interpreted Medvedev’s latest “position” as Russia’s claim to a zone that “extends to part of the former Soviet territories in which Russian minorities live.” The day before this article, Dmitry Medvedev expressed his attitude towards the leadership of the Republic of Georgia: “As for the Georgian authorities, for us the current regime is bankrupt, President Mikheil Saakashvili does not exist for us, he is a “political corpse.”

In his September 10, 2008 Wall Street Journal article “Ukraine Could Be Russia's Next Target,” Leon Aron, director of the Russia Studies Program and fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, believed that Russia's “invasion and ongoing occupation of Georgia” is not an isolated incident. , but "the first manifestation of a different and deeply troubling doctrine of national security and foreign policy." In Newsweek magazine on September 1 of that year, Joseph Joffe, a senior fellow at Stanford's Institute for International Studies, wrote about the Kremlin's new foreign policy under President Medvedev:

“Forty years ago, the Brezhnev Doctrine declared: “Socialist countries cannot cease to be socialist,” and this became the pretext for the invasion that crushed the Prague Spring. Will we now get Putin’s doctrine: “what belonged to Russia cannot cease to belong to it”?”

As a result of Moscow’s conflict with Washington over Georgia, according to observers, “Moscow’s foreign policy activity has noticeably shifted towards Latin America.” The visit of the Russian delegation led by Deputy Prime Minister Igor Sechin in mid-September 2008 pursued not only issues of economic cooperation, but also the development of allied relations with Venezuela and Cuba, which, from Moscow’s point of view, “will be a worthy response to the activation of the United States in the post-Soviet space. » The Vedomosti newspaper on September 18 quoted the opinion of a Russian expert: “The development of military cooperation with Venezuela is Moscow’s response to American support for Georgia.”

On September 18, 2008, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice gave a speech on US-Russian relations at the Washington office of the German Marshall Fund, saying, in particular: “Russia’s invasion of Georgia has not achieved and will not achieve any lasting strategic goal. The United States and Europe must stand up to this type of behavior and anyone who encourages it. For the sake of our future - and for the sake of the future of the people of Russia, who deserve better relationship with the rest of the world - the United States and Europe must not allow Russian aggression to bear fruit. Neither in Georgia nor anywhere else. Already, Russia's leadership is seeing hints of what the future could be if they persist in their aggressive behavior. In contrast to Georgia's situation, Russia's international reputation is worse than at any time since 1991. And we are charting a dreamed future with our friends and allies in the Americas, from which we were sometimes removed during the Cold War. Russia's anachronistic display of its military power will not reverse this course of history. Russia is free to determine its relations with sovereign countries. And they are free to determine their relations with Russia - including the countries of the Western Hemisphere. But we are confident that our ties with our neighbors, who strive for better education and health care, better jobs, and better housing, will not be undermined by a few aging Blackjack bombers visiting one of the few Latin American autocracies that itself is being left behind in an increasingly peaceful, prosperous and democratic hemisphere."

Medvedev’s answer in absentia to the US Secretary of State, according to observers, was some of the theses of his speech, which he delivered the next day in the Kremlin “at a meeting with representatives of public organizations,” at which he accused NATO of provoking a conflict in the Caucasus and the United States of interfering in internal affairs. affairs of Russia, saying, in particular: “the relevance of concluding a large European treaty after the events in the Caucasus is becoming increasingly higher. And this is understood even by those who in behind-the-scenes conversations, in personal conversations with me, said that nothing of this is needed: NATO will provide everything, NATO will solve everything. What did NATO decide, what did it provide? It only provoked a conflict, nothing more. I open my “favorite” Internet this morning and see: our American friends say that we will continue to provide support to teachers, doctors, scientists, trade union leaders, and judges in the Russian Federation. The last one was simply something outstanding for me. What does this mean, are they going to feed our judges or will they support corruption? And when it comes to joint programs, they are usually implemented with those countries with which there is a close perception of the main world processes. Otherwise, if things continue like this, they will soon be selecting presidents for us.”

On October 2, 2008, during a meeting with German Chancellor Angela Merkel at the St. Petersburg Dialogue forum, he again spoke out for the creation of a “new legally binding treaty on European security.” Touching on the topic of the global financial crisis, he expressed the opinion that “the system that has developed today does not fulfill any tasks to maintain the international financial system in a balanced state.” Medvedev also emphasized the impossibility of returning the world to the Cold War.

On October 8, 2008, speaking at the World Policy Conference in Evian (France), he criticized the global foreign policy pursued by the US government “after September 11, 2001” and after the “overthrow of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan,” when, in his opinion, “a series of unilateral actions began,” noting, in particular: “Then, unfortunately, due to the desire of the United States of America to “confirm” its global dominance, a historical chance to de-ideologize international life and build a truly democratic world order was missed. NATO expansion is being carried out with some special passion. Today, the admission of Georgia and Ukraine to NATO is being actively discussed. The Alliance is bringing its military infrastructure closer to the borders of our country and is drawing new “dividing lines” in Europe - now along our western and southern borders. And it is quite natural, no matter what they say, that we consider these actions as actions directed against us.”

The speech contained “specific elements” of a new European Security Treaty, which, according to Medvedev, is designed to “create a unified and reliable system of comprehensive security.”

In his message to the Federal Assembly, read on November 5, 2008, for the first time he voiced specific measures that he “means to take, in particular, to effectively counter the new elements of the global missile defense system persistently imposed by the current US administration in Europe”: refusal to liquidate three missile regiments, intention to deploy Iskander missile systems in the Kaliningrad region and carry out electronic suppression of the American missile defense system. Medvedev's statements drew criticism from the US government and other NATO member countries; Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk said, in part: “I would not attach too much importance to this type of declaration.” Moscow's military plans were also criticized by the European Union and Western media, some of which perceived them as a challenge to the elected US President Barack Obama. Observers who wrote about Medvedev's statements as "an attempt to publicly blackmail Obama" noted that by doing so Moscow was making it much more difficult for him to abandon plans to deploy a missile defense system. In this regard, political scientist A. Golts suggested that Medvedev “most likely pursued the goal of maximally complicating and aggravating the already tense relations between Russia and the United States in the days after Obama’s election,” which is beneficial for the Russian “siloviki” party.

On November 13, 2008, while in Tallinn at a meeting of NATO defense ministers, US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates rejected Medvedev’s earlier proposal to abandon the deployment of missiles on Russia’s western borders, subject to the non-deployment of US missile defense elements in Poland and the Czech Republic; Gates also, in particular, stated: “To be frank, I am not sure what the missiles in Kaliningrad will be needed for. In the end, the only real future threat on Russia's borders is Iran, and I think that Iskander missiles cannot reach Iran from there. This issue, obviously, is between us and the Russians. Why they threaten to target European countries with missiles is a mystery to me." The day before, Gates assured colleagues from the Baltics, Ukraine and other neighboring countries of Russia that America firmly guards their interests.

On November 15, 2008, President Medvedev at the G20 summit in Washington proposed a complete restructuring of all institutions of the financial system; the new structure, according to the President of the Russian Federation, should be “open, transparent and uniform, effective and legitimate”; also made a number of other proposals in his speech. In connection with Medvedev’s speeches in Washington, Ekho Moskvy radio columnist Yu. Latynina wrote on November 17: “What did Medvedev say in Washington? There is no point in discussing this. What happened in Washington was that we were kicked out of the G8. Under Yeltsin, the “seven” was expanded to the “eight”, but after the doctor at Mechel, the tanks in Georgia and the bursting of the Russian bubble, we were not invited to the “seven” meeting, but were invited to the “twenty” meeting, together with South Africa, Indonesia and Saudi Arabia Arabia. We were miserably expelled for poor academic performance, but were invited to the general meeting. What can you expect from a student who has been expelled for academic failure? That he will stand up and say: “I’ll get better at math.” And he stood up and said: “I have an idea on how to reorganize the work of the dean’s office.” This is so funny that I have a suspicion that they are making a buffoon out of Medvedev on purpose.”

On December 4, 2008, at a meeting of the Council of OSCE Foreign Ministers in Helsinki, official representatives of the United States and Britain rejected the initiative put forward by Medvedev in July of the same year to create a new pan-European security architecture, citing the adequacy of existing structures.

In connection with the inauguration of US President Barack Obama on January 20, 2009, Russian-American political scientist Nikolai Zlobin noted in Vedomosti on January 28, 2009: “Obama’s foreign policy will not be based on personal psychology, likes and dislikes, as it was Texan Bush, including friendship with Putin. Obama will not accept the style of “boyish” relations and norms in politics. He will carry it out based on rational calculations, and not on emotions and “concepts.”

In connection with the meeting of G7 finance ministers held in Rome on February 13 - 14, 2009, to which A. Kudrin was invited, a Reuters report stated that Moscow’s previous ambitions regarding the G7 were undermined by the crisis and falling oil prices.

At the beginning of March 2009, intrigue was created in the Russian and American press around a letter sent earlier by US President Obama to Medvedev, declared “secret” by the New York Times, which allegedly contained a proposal for some kind of “exchange”, which could include the refusal of the new US administration from deployment of missile defense in Europe. On March 3 of the same year, Medvedev, commenting on his exchange of messages with the US President, said: “If we talk about any exchanges or exchanges, I can tell you that the question is not raised in this way, it is unproductive.” A similar point of view was expressed by President Obama. An editorial in the FT on March 7, listing a number of symbolic concessions made to Russia by the new US administration, targeted Prime Minister Putin, concluding: “The world wants to know whether Vladimir Putin wants to remain an unpredictable and irrational figure, or whether he is a grown man.” , who is truly committed to solving the world's big problems."

Military construction

In September 2008, the government decided to adjust the 3-year budget in terms of a significant increase in military spending: the increase in defense spending in 2009 will be the most significant in modern history Russia - almost 27%.

Military expert V. Mukhin believed at the beginning of October 2008 that, despite the increase in military spending, “no money has been included in the next three-year budget for the modernization of the army.”

One of the “parameters” of the formation of the new Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, according to the concept approved by the President on September 15, 2008, for the period until 2012 should be the creation of Rapid Reaction Forces.

On September 8, 2008, Defense Minister A. Serdyukov announced that the size of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation would be reduced to 1 million people by 2012 - from 1 million 134 thousand 800 people; It was previously reported that a significant reduction in the central apparatus of the Ministry of Defense had begun, including key management General Staff. The minister put forward the task: “now the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation will consist primarily of units of constant readiness.”

On October 14, 2008, Defense Minister A. Serdyukov detailed the upcoming reforms: there will be a significant reduction in the number of senior and senior officers while a simultaneous increase in the number of junior officers, a reorganization of the management structure and a radical change in the military education system. In particular, “to improve the operational command and control of troops,” a transition from the traditional four-tier structure (military district-army-division-regiment) to a three-tier structure (military district-operational command-brigade) is envisaged. The number of generals should be reduced from 1,100 to 900 by 2012; the number of junior officers (lieutenants and senior lieutenants) will increase from 50 thousand to 60 thousand. On November 1, 2008, State Duma deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation turned to Medvedev with a demand to abandon the proposed concept of reform of the armed forces, calling it “an expensive and ill-conceived personnel reform”; State Duma deputy, leader of the Movement in Support of the Army Viktor Ilyukhin said: “We are convinced: this is the final stage of the destruction of the armed forces.”

On November 29, 2008, the Kommersant newspaper reported that on November 11 of the same year, Chief of the General Staff Nikolai Makarov signed a directive “On preventing the disclosure of information on the reform of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation”; the publication also referred to its “sources in the Ministry of Defense”, testifying that the dismissal report was submitted by the head of the GRU, Army General V.V. Korabelnikov, as well as a number of other high-ranking generals. Information about the dismissals was refuted on the same day by the acting head of the press service and information of the Russian Ministry of Defense, Colonel A. Drobyshevsky

“Rossiyskaya Gazeta” dated January 22, 2009 argued that the perestroika that began in the army “was unknown to either Soviet or Russian history” and that, in essence, “we are creating completely new Armed Forces.”

On March 17, 2009, Minister Anatoly Serdyukov, speaking at an extended meeting of the board of the Russian Ministry of Defense with the participation of President D. A. Medvedev, stated that the Concept for the development of the Armed Forces management system for the period until 2025 had been approved; Medvedev in his speech, in particular, said that “on the agenda is the transfer of all combat units and formations to the category of constant readiness.”

On March 18, 2009, it was reported that the Chief of the GRU of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces, Valentin Korabelnikov, had his term of military service extended by one year; also, reports were again denied that General Korabelnikov allegedly wrote a report asking to be dismissed from the Armed Forces as a sign of disagreement with cuts in military intelligence; his absence from the extended meeting of the Ministry of Defense board held the day before with the participation of the President of the Russian Federation was explained by the fact that he was on vacation. Korabelnikov was relieved of his post and dismissed from military service by Presidential Decree No. 399 of April 14, 2009.

Estimates of the level of corruption in the country

According to the 2008 report of the international anti-corruption non-governmental organization Transparency International, published on September 23, 2008, Russia is one of the countries with high levels of corruption; In 2008, Russia took 147th place in the ranking (the level of corruption was assessed on a ten-point scale, with ten points being the lowest level) - its index was 2.1 points, which is 0.2 points less than last year, when the country ranked 143rd. Top Russian officials in September 2008 gave similar assessments of the level of corruption in the country.

Speaking at a meeting of the Anti-Corruption Council on September 30, 2008, President Medvedev said in his opening remarks, in particular: “Corruption in our country has acquired not just large-scale forms, a large-scale character, it has become a familiar, everyday phenomenon that characterizes life itself in our society. »

Medvedev's business

In 1993, he was one of the founders of the Finzell company, which soon itself established Ilim Pulp Enterprise CJSC, one of the giants of the Russian timber business. In the new company, Medvedev became director of legal affairs. At the same time, Medvedev owned 50% in Finzell CJSC, and 20% in Ilim Pulp Enterprise.

In 1998 he joined the board of directors of one of largest enterprises, which the company owned, - the Bratsk timber processing plant.

After leaving for the presidential staff, Medvedev, according to political scientist Belkovsky, retained a significant stake in Ilim Pulp Enterprise CJSC. He also actually saved the company from attacks by Deripaska, who wanted to gain control over it, but part of the company (Baikal Pulp and Paper Mill) was lost. On the other hand, former deputy general director of BLPK2 for public relations, Sergei Bespalov, stated that “according to his information, Medvedev does not have any shares in Ilim Pulp.”

In the field of information technology

In general, Medvedev is a big fan of information technology and often talks about computers and the Internet in his speeches.

First computer

The first computer in Medvedev’s life was a Soviet M-6000 computer the size of a furniture wall, when he worked for his father at the Technological Institute, as a 1st-year evening student at the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University.

Until now, Dmitry Medvedev has not been registered in any social network, however, has his own personal blog. He is the first Russian president to begin communicating with the people through a video blog, which initially was not, in fact, a blog, since the blog implies a debate between the reader and the author, and on Medvedev’s blog it was not possible to leave either video responses or text comments. Later, after the creation of a separate website blog.kremlin.ru, the ability to add comments was added, but comments are pre-moderated before being posted on the blog.

There is a “Dmitry Medvedev blog” on LiveJournal, which is a broadcast account from the official video blog of the President, while LiveJournal users have the opportunity to discuss Medvedev’s videos and text messages.

In addition to the blog and the government website kremlin.ru, Medvedev has three websites: medvedev-da.ru, d-a-medvedev.ru and the website of the presidential candidate medvedev2008.ru. The domain for the latter was registered back in 2005 (after the opening of the website http://putin2004.ru as part of V.V. Putin’s election campaign, buyers registered many domains containing the names of members of the Russian government and the date of the next presidential election) and was closed in 2009 g., he also has a personal website.

Dmitry Medvedev and free software

Attitude to current issues in the life of the online community

D. Medvedev considers the creation of a “hypertext vector Fidonet”, which has been developed by Sergei Sokolov for a long time, to be an urgent task in the IT field.

The association of Dmitry Medvedev with Medved from the Preved meme has become a meme on the Runet, and cartoons and “photographs” on this topic are widespread. When asked about his attitude towards Internet subcultures, in particular, the language of bastards, Medvedev replied that he was well acquainted with the phenomenon and believed that it had a right to exist. In addition, Medvedev noted that "Medved is a popular internet character, and it is impossible to ignore the needs of learning the Albanian language."

Personal life and family

Hobbies

According to media information in December 2007, Dmitry Medvedev was fond of hard rock, swimming and yoga since childhood.

Dmitry Medvedev is known as an active user of Apple products. It was reported that Dmitry Medvedev uses an Apple iPhone, despite the fact that this phone was not officially supplied to Russia and was not certified. Dmitry Medvedev's first phone was a Siemens A35, which his wife gave him. Also, while watching videos on the website of the President of Russia, video recordings of the President’s addresses were discovered, in which there are Apple MacBook Pro laptops and more a budget option MacBook Black.

Known as a fan of the professional football club Zenit St. Petersburg. Favorite rock band Deep Purple.

Also, sometimes Dmitry Medvedev listens to the music of the group Linkin Park: Dmitry Anatolyevich’s son Ilya is a fan.

Family and personal property

He married Svetlana Linnik in 1993, with whom he studied at the same school. My wife graduated from LFEI, works in Moscow and is involved in organizing social events in St. Petersburg.

According to his income declaration submitted to the Central Election Commission in December 2007, he has an apartment with an area of 367.8 square meters. m; income for 2006 amounted to 2 million 235 thousand rubles.

According to information Novaya Gazeta dated January 10, 2008, since August 22, 2000, registered in his own apartment with an area of 364.5 square meters. m. in an apartment building in the residential complex “Golden Keys-1” at the address: Minskaya street, building 1 A, apt. 38. Also, according to Novaya Gazeta, according to data from the Unified Register of Home Owners for 2005, in Moscow Dmitry Medvedev owned another apartment at the address: Tikhvinskaya Street, building No. 4, apt. 35; total area - 174 sq. meters.

According to the website vsedoma.ru dated September 18, 2008, the Medvedevs actually lived in the Gorki-9 presidential residence, which was previously occupied by Boris Yeltsin and his family.

Even now, the Medvedev family still goes to the cinema together.

But Dmitry Medvedev does not have time for holidays such as Valentine’s Day: this year he celebrated it on a working trip to Novosibirsk. It looks like the same story may repeat itself on March 8 - on this day German Chancellor Angela Merkel promises to visit the Kremlin.

Dmitry and Svetlana studied at different institutes: he learned the basics of law at Leningrad State University, she gnawed at the granite of accounting at the Leningrad Financial and Economic Institute. Voznesensky. Already in her first year, Svetlana transferred to the evening department and, in parallel with her studies, worked in her specialty. And two years after graduation, in 1989, Linnik and Medvedev got married, and quite unexpectedly for many.

Like many young families in our country, the Medvedevs had the opportunity to share the same apartment with their parents for several years. We settled with the Linnikovs - they had a larger apartment. By the way, Svetlana’s parents are military personnel. Medvedev was then finishing his Ph.D. dissertation and was already working in the Leningrad administration - in the committee for external relations.

In 1996, the Medvedevs had a son, Ilya. Last fall, after visiting the Moscow regional perinatal center in Balashikha, Medvedev, in an unexpected outburst of frankness, told reporters about this long-standing event: “I consider it justified if a man supports a woman during childbirth, although I was not present there. It seems to me that this is biologically correct.”

After maternity leave, Svetlana did not return to work. “The normal logic of a man who wants to have a strong and reliable rear behind him. Of course, from time to time Sveta started conversations: they say, it would be nice to find some additional activity, but I explained that, in my opinion, it would be better for the family if the wife stayed at home,” Medvedev later said.

Having become the curator of national projects, Dmitry Medvedev has repeatedly said that a family should have several children. Does the Russian President intend to stop there or does the family plan include a second child? “Like every normal person, this topic remains open to me,” Dmitry Medvedev once said.

Svetlana helped her husband’s successful career a lot. Thanks to her natural charm, she easily acquired contacts that were later useful to Dmitry Medvedev in life and work. According to rumors, being a friend of the wife of the co-owner of a timber processing company, Svetlana hired her husband into this business.

Despite the lack of an official position and salary, Svetlana Medvedeva is a busy person. She heads the board of trustees of the targeted comprehensive program “Spiritual and moral culture of the younger generation of Russia,” created with the blessing of Patriarch Alexy II. This implies the creation of Orthodox shelters for orphans, the organization of pilgrimage trips and other godly things. Svetlana Medvedeva personally patronizes boarding school N1 in St. Petersburg, where 316 children with the diagnosis live mental retardation".

Recently, Svetlana Vladimirovna was dedicated to the Knights of the Women's Order of the Russian Orthodox Church of St. Euphrosyne of Moscow.

Svetlana Medvedeva follows fashion and always looks good. Her style is elegant business suits, and her favorite couturier is Valentin Yudashkin. Worn only in Russia.

The new president's wife also attends social events - at Alla Pugacheva's housewarming party, for example, or at Haute Couture Week.

It is not surprising that such an energetic and charming lady, according to many, has considerable influence on her husband. They say that it was Svetlana who contributed to the fact that Dmitry Medvedev recently dumped overweight and quite refreshed. His wife asked him to learn yoga and brought him to the gym and swimming pool. This had an extremely positive effect on the politician’s image.

Attitude to religion

According to his pre-election interview, Dmitry Medvedev received Orthodox baptism at the age of 23 by his own decision “in one of the central cathedrals of St. Petersburg”, after which, as he believes, “a different life began for him...”.

According to the Union of Orthodox Citizens, Dmitry Medvedev is a churchgoer Orthodox Christian.

His wife, Svetlana Medvedeva, is the head of the board of trustees of the targeted comprehensive program “Spiritual and moral culture of the younger generation of Russia,” which is led by Hieromonk Cypria.

While in Kazan in November 2007, Dmitry Medvedev said: “Increasing religious education is the task of the state, religious associations, and the domestic education system.” There he expressed support for “the proposal to grant religious educational institutions the right to accredit their educational program according to state standards.” He expects that the new composition of the State Duma will, as a matter of priority, adopt a law on state accreditation of educational programs for non-state, including religious, educational institutions. Also in Kazan, he supported the proposal of representatives of Muslim organizations to grant leaders of traditional faiths in Russia the right to speak on federal television channels.

Criticism

Almost all national projects curated by Medvedev were criticized.

As part of the national project “Affordable Housing”, initially intended to solve the housing problem of the poor, business and premium class housing will also be built for Russian business (projects “Horse Lakhta”, “A101”, “Rublevo-Arkhangelskoe”, "Northern Valley")

Some members of the opposition, such as Andrei Illarionov, consider Medvedev an illegitimate president, since the 2008 presidential elections, in their opinion, were not elections, but a special operation.

Medvedev initiated amendments to the Federal Law “On Basic Guarantees of the Rights of the Child in the Russian Federation”, prohibiting minors from staying in in public places at night. According to some analysts, this norm conflicts with Art. 27 of the Russian Constitution, which asserts the right of a Russian citizen to free movement, choice of place of stay and residence; on the other hand, according to, in particular, P. Astakhov, such restrictions are permissible if there is a threat to health and morals.

Even this law actually exists only on paper, and is not really controlled or enforced by regulatory and supervisory authorities. On September 6, 2008, decree No. 1316 “On some issues of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation” liquidated the Department for Combating organized crime and terrorism, as well as the entire regional system of Organized Crime Control. According to some experts, a blow was dealt to the fight against organized crime.

On June 24 - July 15, 2009, the State Duma adopted in three readings the presidential bill of the federal law “On Amendments to the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation” (on the issue of strengthening criminal liability for crimes against the life, health and sexual integrity of minors). This law contains loopholes to mitigate the punishment of pedophiles than older age a minor, the lighter the punishment for pedophiles. Medvedev wanted to make punishments for pedophiles even more lenient. On July 18, the Federation Council approved the bill, and on July 27, the president signed it. In general, Art. 134 and Art. 135 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation presuppose the voluntary consent of a minor, otherwise the norms of Art. 131-133 apply. Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. Therefore, the communists' criticism of the "rapist lobby" is unfounded.

Excellent command of oratory and speech. Beautifully and excitingly knows how to describe solutions to economic and social problems, ways of development of Russia. But Russia has not achieved positive results in the economy and social sphere as of the beginning of 2010.

Central (state) television channels began to always cover the actions of D.A. Medvedev from a positive side. and Putin V.V. State media more often talk about V.V. Putin and the United Russia party than about D.A. Medvedev. Reviews from state television channels about significant parties and leaders who do not agree with the current state of affairs in the country and the authorities (for example, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) are usually covered from the position negative attitude to them. Against this background, private and relatively independent television channels, such as REN TV, often criticize the actions of the president and the leading party of the government, United Russia, even accusing them of corruption. On the basis of which we can conclude that unofficial censorship has been introduced on state television channels against criticism of the actions of the government and the majority party "United Russia". Also, state television channels are conducting intensive PR for the current government in order to maintain its high popularity. Most likely, when Medvedev D.A. When the term of office of the President of Russia ends, the position of the current President will again be occupied by V.V. Putin. (or another “heir” of the current government, whom the state media will point out to citizens). The existing propaganda coming from the media will not allow the majority of Russian voters to make an objective choice.

Titles, awards, ranks

Dmitry Medvedev became a holder of the highest award of the Serbian Orthodox Church - the Order of St. Sava, 1st degree.

Medal "In memory of the 1000th anniversary of Kazan"

Laureate of the Government of the Russian Federation Prize in the field of education for 2001 (August 30, 2002) - for the creation of the textbook “Civil Law” for educational institutions of higher professional education

Commemorative medal of A. M. Gorchakov (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, 2008)

Knight Grand Cross with Diamonds of the Order of the Sun of Peru (2008)

Grand Chain of the Order of the Liberator (Venezuela, 2008)

Jubilee medal “10 years of Astana” (Kazakhstan, 2008)

Star of the Order of St. Mark the Apostle (Alexandrian Orthodox Church, 2009)

Order of Saint Sava, first class (Serbian Orthodox Church, 2009)

Honorary Doctor of Law, Faculty of Law, St. Petersburg State University.

Honorary Doctor of the University of World Economy and Diplomacy under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Uzbekistan (2009) - for great merits and contribution to the development and strengthening of relations, friendship and cooperation between Russia and Uzbekistan

Laureate of the Themis Prize for 2007 in the category “Public Service” “for his great personal contribution to the development of the fourth part of the Civil Code and for his personal presentation of the bill in the State Duma.”

In 2007, he was awarded the “Symbol of Science” medal.

Laureate of the International Foundation for the Unity of Orthodox Peoples Award “For outstanding activities in strengthening the unity of Orthodox peoples. For the affirmation and promotion of Christian values in the life of society” named after His Holiness Patriarch Alexy II for 2009 (January 21, 2010).

Class rank

Since January 17, 2000 - Acting State Advisor of the Russian Federation, 1st class

Sources

ru.wikipedia.org Wikipedia – the free encyclopedia

file.liga.net League Dossier

medvedev-da.ru Medvedev's blog

medvedevda.ucoz.ru Childhood, life, family of President Dmitry Medvedev

trud.ru Website about work and life

For the appointment of Dmitry Medvedev as Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation. Out of 430 deputies, 374 were in favor of his candidacy, 56 were against, and there were no abstentions.

Dmitry Medvedev headed the government from May 8, 2012 to May 7, 2018 - 2 thousand 191 days, longer than all his predecessors as prime minister since 1990. Resigned in connection with the assumption of office by the elected President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin.

Origin, education, scientific degrees

Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev was born on September 14, 1965 in Leningrad (now St. Petersburg). Father - Anatoly Afanasyevich (1926-2004), was a professor at the Leningrad Technological Institute. Lensovet (now St. Petersburg State Technological Institute). Mother Yulia Veniaminovna (born 1939), philologist, taught at the Leningrad State pedagogical institute(now - Russian State Pedagogical University) named after. A.I. Herzen, later worked as a guide in Pavlovsk.

In 1987, Dmitry Medvedev graduated from the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University. A. A. Zhdanova (Leningrad State University; now - St. Petersburg State University, St. Petersburg State University), in 1990 - postgraduate studies at the Faculty of Law of St. Petersburg State University. Medvedev's classmates at the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University were Konstantin Chuychenko (now - Assistant to the President of the Russian Federation - Head of the Control Directorate of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation), Nikolai Vinnichenko (Deputy Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation), Artur Parfenchikov (Head of Karelia).

Candidate of Legal Sciences. Assistant professor. In 1990, he defended his dissertation at St. Petersburg State University on the topic “Problems of implementing the civil legal personality of a state enterprise.”

Carier start

In 1982, Medvedev worked as a laboratory assistant at the department of the Leningrad Technological Institute. Lensovet.

In 1986-1991 he was a member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

In 1987-1990 he was an assistant at the department of civil law at the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University. In the spring of 1989, he participated in the election campaign of Anatoly Sobchak, professor at the Faculty of Law of Leningrad State University, for the election of people's deputies of the USSR.

In 1990-1999, he was a lecturer at the Department of Civil Law, Faculty of Law, St. Petersburg State University.

At the same time, in 1990-1995, he was an adviser to the chairman of the Leningrad City Council of People's Deputies Anatoly Sobchak, an expert on the external relations committee of the St. Petersburg mayor's office, whose chairman was Putin.

In the 1990s, he was a co-founder of the commercial companies Finzell and Ilim Pulp Enterprise, which controlled a number of enterprises in the forestry and pulp and paper industries.

In public service

From November 9 to December 31, 1999 - Deputy Head of the Government of the Russian Federation Dmitry Kozak.

From December 31, 1999 to June 3, 2000, he was deputy to Alexander Voloshin, head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation (from December 31, 1999, the post of acting head of state was held by Vladimir Putin, on March 26, 2000, he was elected president of the Russian Federation, on May 7, 2000 took office).

On February 15, 2000, Medvedev headed the campaign headquarters of Russian presidential candidate Vladimir Putin.

From June 3, 2000 - First Deputy Head, from October 30, 2003 to November 14, 2005 - Head of the Presidential Administration.

In 2000-2008, he was also a member of the board of directors of OJSC Gazprom. In June 2000 - June 2001 he served as chairman, in June 2001 - June 2002 - deputy chairman of the company. In 2002-2008, he again headed the board of directors of Gazprom.

On November 12, 2003, he became a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. From April 24, 2004 to May 25, 2008 and from May 25, 2012 to the present - permanent member of the Security Council.

On November 14, 2005, he was appointed First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Mikhail Fradkov, and since September 2007 - Viktor Zubkov. He held this post until May 7, 2008. He oversaw the implementation of national projects, ensuring freedom of economic activity, developing competition and antimonopoly policy, implementing state policy in the field of natural resource management and environmental protection, developing mass communications, interaction between the government and the judiciary and the prosecutor's office, and implementing state policy in the field of justice.

On December 10, 2007, the leaders of United Russia, A Just Russia, the Agrarian Party and the Civil Power party, at a meeting with Putin, proposed nominating First Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev as a candidate for the post of head of state in the elections on March 2, 2008. On December 11, 2007, Medvedev announced that if elected president, he intended to offer the post of prime minister to Putin. On December 17, 2007, at the VIII Congress of the United Russia party, Medvedev was officially nominated as a candidate for President of the Russian Federation. In January 2008, his campaign headquarters was headed by the head of the presidential administration, Sergei Sobyanin.

Work in senior government positions

On March 2, 2008, Medvedev was elected president of the Russian Federation, gaining 70.28% of the vote (second place - the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov, 17.72%). Became the youngest head of state in Russian history since 1917. Medvedev took office on May 7, 2008. He served as President of the Russian Federation until May 7, 2012. He was the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation (including during the armed conflict with Georgia in August 2008), Chairman of the State Council of the Russian Federation.

From May 25, 2008 to May 25, 2012, as head of state, he served as chairman of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.

On September 24, 2011, at the XII Congress of United Russia, Medvedev proposed to nominate the party chairman, Prime Minister of the country Vladimir Putin, as a party candidate at the next presidential elections in 2012. The head of government, in turn, stated that for him “this is a huge honor” and said that if he is elected, “Dmitry Anatolyevich ... will head the government of the Russian Federation in order to continue the work of modernizing all aspects of our life.”

Since May 8, 2012 - Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation (his candidacy was supported by 299 deputies out of 450, against - 144).

Since May 22, 2012 - member of the All-Russian political party "United Russia", since May 26 - chairman of the party.

Participation in various bodies

Chairman of the International Board of Trustees of the Moscow School of Management "Skolkovo" (since September 2006), Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Russian Lawyers Association (since 2007).

He was the Chairman of the Presidium of the Council for the Implementation of Priority National Projects (2006-2008).

Heads the presidiums of the councils under the President of the Russian Federation on economic modernization and innovative development of Russia (since June 2012), on the implementation of priority national projects and demographic policy (since February 2013).

Manages government commissions on budget plans for the next financial year and planning period (since June 2012), on monitoring the implementation of foreign investments in the Russian Federation and on issues of protecting the health of citizens (both - since October 2012), on issues of socio-economic development of the North -Caucasian Federal District (since March 2013), on coordinating the activities of the Open Government (since April 2013), on issues of socio-economic development of the Far East and on the use of information technologies to improve the quality of life and living conditions entrepreneurial activity(both from September 2013), on issues of socio-economic development of the Kaliningrad region (from March 2015), on import substitution (from August 2015), on issues of the agro-industrial complex and sustainable development rural areas (since June 2016).

Heads the Advisory Council on Foreign Investment in Russia (since May 2012), as well as the Government Council for the Development of Russian Cinematography (since June 2012).

Chairman of the Supervisory Board of the state corporation "Bank for Development and Foreign Economic Affairs (Vnesheconombank)" (since August 2013).

Chairman of the Board of Trustees of St. Petersburg State University.

Information on income, titles, awards, publications

The amount of declared income for 2017 amounted to 8 million 565 thousand rubles. The spouse did not declare any income.

Actual State Councilor I class (2000).

Reserve Colonel.

Awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, 1st degree (2015). Has the gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (2003).

He is a Knight Grand Cross with Diamonds of the Order of the Sun of Peru (2008). Awarded the Order of the Liberator (Venezuela; 2008), Glory (Armenia; 2011), Jerusalem (Palestinian National Authority; 2011), "Danaker" (2016; Kyrgyzstan).

He is one of the authors of the textbook "Civil Law" for educational institutions of higher professional education, edited by Alexander Sergeev and Yuri Tolstoy. I wrote four chapters for him: on state and municipal enterprises, credit and settlement obligations, transport law, and alimony obligations.

For the creation of the textbook he was awarded the Russian Government Prize in the field of education for 2001.

Family, hobbies

Married. Wife - Svetlana Vladimirovna Medvedeva (nee Linnik) - was born on March 15, 1965 in Kronstadt, Leningrad Region, graduated from the Leningrad Financial and Economic Institute. Son - Ilya (born August 3, 1995) - graduated from the International Law Faculty of MGIMO.

Dmitry Medvedev is interested in photography. Fan of the Zenit football club (St. Petersburg).

Favorite rock band - Deep Purple. He also listens to the music of Black Sabbath and Led Zeppelin.

Medvedev is one of the most active Internet users among Russian high-ranking officials. His Twitter account - @KremlinRussia - was created on June 23, 2010, when Medvedev served as President of the Russian Federation (in the summer of 2011 the account was renamed