III. China. India
II. Muslim countries. Turkey. Iran. Egypt
I. New industrial countries in Latin America and East Asia
Plan
Topic: Problems of Development of Asian countries, Africa and Latin America
Lecture number 4.
New industrial countries in Latin America
and East Asia
New industrial countries in the 1980s. began to call a number of Latin America countries (Chile, Argentina, Brazil, etc.) and East Asia ( South Korea, Taiwan, etc.). Despite the fact that they belong to different civilizational regions, they turned out a lot in common. They managed to make a leap in their economic development in a short time in the conditions of dictators of authoritarian regimes. So there was a discussion about the nature of authoritarianism in modern worldwhich at the ordinary level often comes down to the question, whether there are merits from dictators.
The struggle between authoritarian and democratic methods of modernization with special sharpness stood in Latin America. The army was played a special role in the life of the countries of the region. Military dictatorships (junta) were periodically replaced by civilian government until 1980 - 1990. Sometimes the army became a force that overthrown dictatorships, which at one time or another existed in almost all countries of the region. In some countries, they changed every 7 - 8 years, shifting the next civilian government, in others they ruled decades. Military dictatorships with the same perseverance as civilians, in 1950 - 1960s. Strengthen the public sector in the economy, sought to replace the importation of goods by their own production (import-substituting industrialization), and in 1970 - 1980s. State enterprises and banks (privatization) were insistently transferred to private hands, encouraged the openness of the economy, reduced state taxes and expenses, orienting the economy to export of non-traditional goods. United dictatorships at all times that they prohibited or limited the activities of political parties, parliaments, free press, were arrested and repressed against oppositions, up to arbitrariness in relation to ordinary citizens. Dictatorships traditionally strive for external expansion to strengthen their authority within the country, but almost always suffer fiasco. So, for example, a military junta has fallen in Argentina - after an unsuccessful attempt (1982) to seize the Falkland Islands under the control of Great Britain. The dictators and their foolish in a number of countries were eventually appeared before the court, and where there was no mass arbitrariness, it cost amnesty. It was not possible to hide from the court persecution and General A. Pinochet, who entered the story as a dictator, which carried out (1973-1990) authoritarian modernization of the country (thanks to the economic program M. Friden Chile became the economic leader of Latin America). But is it a great merit of dictators? "Pinochet mode praises not for. The fundamental principles of the military organization are directly opposite to the principles of the free market and free society. This is the extreme form of centralized management. The junta went against his principles when supported market transformations "(Milton Friedmen, 1002).
The economic policy, which was conducted by dictators and authoritarian leaders, was in line with the trends of world development, as modern Latin American researchers indicate. Dictatorships with the same perseverance increased or limited the role of the state in the economy. Therefore, the image of the dictator - the reformer, which for a long time was created by the propaganda apparatus of the dictators themselves, should be revised, scientists consider. Dictatorship where reforms were conducted, only one task decided - the task of providing social world and political stability by unacted violence. The main threat of stability The ruling elites of Latin America was seen in the strong positions of the left forces - socialist and communist parties. The effect of the left forces was determined by the scale of poverty in the region. Extremely left in a number of countries were initiators of civil wars. It was against the left forces in the first place that the repressions of dictatorial regimes were sent.
So by the end of the XX century. The military gone from government offices in the barracks. The dictatorship disappeared from the history of Latin America. Not because all the problems have been solved, and extremely left forces have lost their influence, and because in the context of globalization and transition to the post-industrial information society, dictatorship is not able to solve new historical tasks. The course to limit the role of the state in the economy, encouraging the private initiative and the opening of the country to the world market, which were forced to start dictatorship under the influence of world realities, fed themselves the foundations of their existence. Such a course is incompatible with dictatorship. This course with great success began to hold all the democratic governments of the countries of the region. He brought to the rise, but also revealed serious problems. The vulnerability of the national financial system in the conditions of the Global Movement of Capital has emerged, which led to financial crisis in a number of countries. Increased income gap between rich and poor. But military dictatorships did not return. The left forces in the 1990s came to power in many countries. And at the beginning of the XXI century. (Chile, Brazil, etc.). They began to combine the declaration of restrictions in order to develop an entrepreneurial initiative with the active state policy in social sphere, health care and education.
2. As Asian Tigers have become democratic developed countries in the world. Discussion about authoritarianism.
East Asia countries - South Korea (Republic of Korea), Taiwan, Hong Kong (since 1999 as part of China), Singapore called Asian "tigers", "Dragons" were adjacent to them - Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines. "Tigrov" was considered a sample of authoritarian modernization, where impressive economic results were achieved in the conditions of restriction of democracy: 8 - 12% of the annual growth of the economy, for example, in South Korea for more than 30 years.
How South Korea is a peasant country, which was 40 years old (1905-1945) under the control of Japan and developed as the raw materials appendage of the Japanese economy, was the list of highly developed countries in the world at the beginning of the XXI century.? What is the secret of success brought with me in 1949 on an exotically beautiful island of Taiwan, where there was no industry, the party of Homindan and the remnants of the Chan Kaisha army (2 million people) who fled from the Communist China?
Accelerated industrialization was carried out in these countries without at the expense of the peasantry. In Taiwan began with agrarian reformAs a result of which the farmers system in agriculture has developed in the country. And in South Korea, the state even specially increased purchasing prices for agricultural products to support peasant farms. In South Korea, the state actively supported two dozen of huge private financial and industrial corporations, which were called conglomerates, as they produced the most different products. In Taiwan, the state made a bet on the development of small and medium-sized businesses, which is now producing 70% of goods and services and in which about 70% of the country's population is employed. Recipes are different, but the result is one - "Economic Miracle".
For more than 30 years, the military dictatorship has existed in South Korea and one-party authoritarian regime in Taiwan. Only in 1992 in South Korea and in 1996, the first free elections took place in Taiwan. In South Korea, the mass protest speeches forced the military to take democratization, and in Taiwan, a quiet revolution was organized on top, but also in the context of the influence of opposition forces and under pressure from a wide public opinion. The merit of military leaders and authoritarian rulers in the movement of countries to democracy were reduced to the fact that they did not apply mass repression against opposition forces demanding democratization and free elections. "Intolerance in small can lead to great disorders," said the heir to Chan Kaisha in Taiwan, going for concessions of the opposition. But it turned out on the contrary, even small concessions for the provision of freedom of speech and the creation of opposition organizations led to a massive movement for free elections, which could not be stopped.
Before these countries fell on the path of democracy, the opinion dominated that it was the authoritarian regimes that provided their economic success. These regimes were often raised as an example to other countries that were striving to cope with retardation.
Indeed, industrialization is associated with the strengthening of the role of the state. But dictatorship is not a security deposit. In general, a number of dictatorship countries not only did not contribute to the modernization of the country, and on the contrary, preserved backwardness and poverty, led the country to the catastrophe, hunger, internecine conflict. Dictatorship of stagnation (Zaire) - so called this kind of regimes.
Not a dictatorship, but the traditions of Confucianism, consider modern researchers, became decisive for the economic success of Asian "Tigers". Confucianism is distributed in China, in Taiwan, where the Chinese actually live, as well as in those countries where they constitute a significant part of the population or play an important role in entrepreneurship (Singapore - 70%, Malaysia - 35%, Thailand - 15%, etc.) , and in Korea. Discipline, hard work, respect for the elders, personal devotion, respect for the bosses are combined in confusion with the requirements of self-improvement, emphasized attention to study. As economists say, qualified, disciplined and cheap labor and became the locomotive of the "Economic Miracle" in the countries of East Asia.
The fight against the left forces was the main for Latin American dictators. For the East Asian countries - South Korea and Taiwan - the main thing was to ensure political and social stability in the conditions of an external threat. South Korea lived in a tense waiting for provocations from the Socialist regime of North Korea, which was the initiator of the war against South Korea (Korean War 1950 - 1953). Therefore, it was believed that the North Korean regime would not miss the moment to take advantage of the slightest difficulties of his neighbor. These are the founding of an authoritarian regime in South Korea. The fears were not in vain - in 1968, the North Korean regime tried to provoke a partisan war on the territory of South Korea. After termination " cold War"South Korea sighed freely. Economic competition was already won: in the Socialist North Korea in the 1990s. I became a reality of the threat of hunger, and South Korea was among the developed states of the world.
The external threat was decisive for Taiwan. Communist China considered the remains of the army of Chan Kaisi on the island of both poor opponents, and Taiwanese regime believed that the mainland China was captured by "communist rebels." Most countries of the world, including Russia, recognize China's united country, Taiwan is not a member of the UN, and it is legally not considered an independent state. Even a few days of instability on the island, the regime could not allow, being confident that Beijing could use any confusion. Therefore, democratization in Taiwan under pressure spent a public opinion, but from above, as a "quiet revolution."
Often, people in everyday life or media hear the word "junta". What it is? What does this concept mean? Let's try to figure out. This term is associated with Latin America. We are talking about such a thing as the "junta" mode. Translated the said word means "combined" or "related". The power of the junta is an authoritarian military-bureaucratic dictatorship, established as a result of a military coup and managing the state by the dictatorial method, as well as with the help of terror. To understand the essence of this mode, you must first figure out what a military form of dictatorship is.
Military dictatorship
Military dictatorship is a state management form in which the military practically possesses. They, as a rule, overthrow the existing government through the public coup. This form is similar, but not identical to strokes. With the last country, the military ranks directly. Like each type of dictatorship, this form can be both official and unofficial. Many dictators like in Panama should have been submitted to the Civilian government, but it is only nominally. Despite the structure of the regime based on the power methods, it is still not completely strokery. What no shirma existed. Allocate also mixed types Dictatorial governance, in which military ranks have a very serious impact on power, but they do not control the situation alone. Typical military dictatorships in Latin America, as a rule, were a junta.
Hunt - What is it?
Distribution This term was obtained thanks to military regimes in Latin American countries. In Soviet political science, under the junta, the power of the reactionary military groups in a number of capitalist states who have established the regime of the military dictatorship of the fascist or close to fascism. Hunt was a committee, which consisted of a number of officers. And it was not always the highest command. This is evidenced by the winged Latin American expression "Power Colonels".
In the post-Soviet space, the concept under consideration received clearly negative connotation, therefore it is also used in propaganda purposes to create a negative image of the government of a state or another. In the figurative sense, the concept of "junta" is also applied to the governments of klecratic countries with the highest level of corructuring. In everyday conversational speech, this term can be used even in relation to the group of persons who take some action on mutual agreement. However, their goals are dishonest or even criminal.
Hunt: What is it in terms of the political system?
The military junta was one of the most massive types of authoritarian regimes arising during the period of freedom near the Latin American and other states from colonial dependence. After creating national states in the societies of the traditional type, the military turned out to be the most cohesive and organized society's layer. They were able to negone masses based on the ideas of national self-determination. After approval in power, the policy of the military top policy in different countries received a different orientation: in some states he led to removal from the posts of corrupt comprador elites and in general was to benefit the formation of the National State (Indonesia, Taiwan). In other cases, the military top itself became a tool for realizing the influence of serious power centers. Story says that most military dictators in Latin America financed the United States. The benefit of the United States was that in a certain country there will be no communist regime while the junta is ruled. What it is, we hope it has become clear.
The fate of most hunts
The fact is that many believe that democracy in many countries began with the "Hunt" regime. What does this mean? After the Second World War, most of the military dictators, who took control of the country under their control, had only transitional character. The power of the junta gradually evolved from an authoritarian regime to democracy. Examples are countries such as South Korea, Argentina, Spain, Brazil and others. The reasons for this lies in the following. First, over time, the contradictions of an economic and political nature increased inside the power. Secondly, the influence of developed industrial states increased, which sought to increase the number of democratic countries. Nowadays, such as the junta are practically not found. However, this term firmly entered the diet of the whole world.
Since the end of the Second World War, until the 90s, political regimes in many Latin American states were short-lived. Mexico was the only exception, where, after the state revolution of 1917, representatives of democratic forces were coming to power, which were not serious political opponents until the end of the century.
Democracy in Latin America
In Latin American countries, attempts to introduce the European model of democracy were repeatedly taken, in particular: the creation of a block of national-patriotic forces and national bourgeoisie, a gradual increase in the level of social and economic protection, which was accompanied by the modernization of the industry. Such desires to create a democratic state were successful only in Argentina, with the arrival of the government of H. Pererone in 1946.
The period of leadership of the Peronym Partner entered the history of Argentina as a time of prosperity - a liberal social policy was actively introduced in the state, the nationalization of strategic industrial facilities began, a plan for five years of economic development was established. Nevertheless, as a result of a military coup 1955, H. Perron was overthrown.
The example of Argentina followed Brazil, whose government made repeated attempts to legal and economic transformations of society. However, due to the threat of repeating the scenario of the Argentine coup, the President of the country in 1955 committed suicide.
The main disadvantage of the democratic regimes of Latin America was that in many respects they reminded the fascist system of Italy in the mid-20s. All liberal transformations essentially introduced well hidden totalitarian methods. In some areas of state policy, democratic leaders have largely copied the development models of Nazi Germany.
A striking example is the activities of Argentina trade unions that defended the labor rights exclusively representatives of the title nation. Moreover, in post-war period, Democratic states of Latin America became a refuge for some fascist leaders pursued by the world community. This is primarily indicative that Latin American Democrats were not alienated by totalitarian systems, in particular fascism.
Military coup
Starting from the mid-50s, until the end of the 70s, rigid military dictators were installed in most Latin American states. Such radical changes in the state structure were the result of the increasing national discontent with the ruling elite, which the militaristic political forces took advantage.
Currently, the fact that all military coups in Latin America was carried out with the consent of the US government. The exclusion for the establishment of military regimes was the spread among the masses information about the threat of war from the Communists. Consequently, military dictators were to perform the function of protecting countries from the de facto non-existent aggression of communist states.
The most bloody military coup was the coming to power by A. Pinochet in Chile. Hundreds of thousands of protesters against Pinochet Chileans were placed in a concentration camp, which was created in the center of the capital of Santiago. Most citizens were forced to seek political asylum in European countries.
Classical military dictatorship was installed in Argentina. As a result of the military coup in 1976, the highest power in the state belongs to members of the junta led by General H. Sadov.
Alexander Ivanovich Stroganov ::: The latest history of Latin America
At the turn of the 80s, the crisis of military dictatorial regimes in the region was designated. This was facilitated by the deepening of the contradiction between the modernized and traditional sectors of the economy, the large social costs of the neoconservative version of capitalist modernization, increased tension in society. The economic crisis of the early 1980s has even more complicated and the exacerbated problem of external debt with its consequences. The lack of democratic freedoms, violation of human rights, mass repressions caused discontent of the wide segments of the population.
In the late 70s-early 80s year He began to quickly increase strikes and street performances of workers with the requirements of changes in social and economic policies, termination of repression, restoring trade union rights and democratic freedoms. In the struggle for democratic changes and in defense of the national economy, medium layers, small and medium-sized entrepreneurs were included. Activated human rights organizations, church circles. The batch and trade unions began to restore the activity of the party and trade unions. In Uruguay in 1980, 60% of the participants of the organized dictatorship of the referendum spoke against the regime. The prevailing classes also strengthened their position also began to be inclined to liberal forms of government, by the guardianship of the military and restrictions of dictatorial regimes and seeking to prevent further exacerbation of the situation. The growth of the wave of folk performances against dictators from below and the counter efforts of supporters of liberalization from above became two components of the developed democratization process. US government circles from 1977 from the presidency of Carter, also chose to support new constitutional governments and criticized terrorist regimes.
The revolutionary events of the late 70s - turn of the 80s in Central America, especially the overthrow of the Somos dictatorship and the victory of the revolution in 1979 in Nicaragua, accelerated the democratization process in South America. In 1979 in Ecuador And in 1980, in Peru, moderate military regimes transferred the power to elected constitutional governments. After several years of acute political struggle of the stormy performances of workers, coups and counterparts in 1982, a constitutional rule was restored to Bolivia, The Government of the Coalition of the left forces with the participation of the Communists came to power.
Soon there was a turn of Argentina, where the working and democratic movement against military dictatorship was increased at the turn of the 1980s. On April 27, 1979, the first universal strike against the socio-economic policy of the dictatorship was held, in which one and a half million people participated. Along with strikes, despite the prohibitions, street processions, meetings and rallies were held. At the end of 1980, two parallel trade center were recreated, both under the former name "VKT" were recreated. In the future, in early 1984, they reunited, restoring a unified national trade center. Perionists and this time held control over the trade union movement.
In 1981, anti-government performances increased. 26 February 1981 The day of protest against the economic policy of the government was organized by entrepreneurs. July 22 there was a new universal strike of workers with the participation of more than 1.5 million people. November 7, the workers spent march "for peace, bread and work." In June 1981, the National Bishops Conference joined the requirements of the termination of repression and restoration of democracy. The political parties began to rebuild their activities.
In July 1981, the two largest parties of Argentina - Husticialist (perony) and a radical civil union (RGS) - radicals and three small parties created a multi-party union. Supported by a number of other parties, including the Communists, a multi-party union on behalf of all the country's socio-political forces, demanded a return to the constitutional regime, termination of repression and the release of political prisoners. The program of the Union, adopted on December 16, 1981, also contained the requirements for the protection of national interests and national production, restoration and expansion of the rights of workers, improving their position, expanding housing construction, the adoption of measures for the development of national education, health care, science and culture, conducting independent and peace-loving foreign policy. On March 30, 1982, the workers were manifestized, organized by trade unions and supported by many parties under the slogan: "Bread, work, peace and freedom!" The demonstrators were attacked by the police, arrests were produced. But trade unions and parties prepared new shares of struggle.
He who became President of Argentina from December 1981, General Leopold Galtieri decided to take an adventurous action to distract the opposition's attention, raise the prestige of the military and to appear in the role of the National Hero: On April 2, 1982, the Argentine Armed Forces took the captured by Great Britain at Argentina 1833. Falkland (Malvinsky) Islands 1, as well as the islands of South Georgia and the South Sandwichy in South Atlantic. The government announced the restoration of the Argentine sovereignty over them.
1. The British called them "Falkland", Argentines - "Malvinski".
The news of this caused an explosion of crowded patriotic enthusiasm, to which all the opposition regime of force joined, yesterday speaking for a peaceful "decision of the dispute due to the islands with the UK and against possible provoking the military armed conflict. Events were continued to which the government did not count. Having gathered In front of the presidential palace, a 100-thousand rally on April 10 chant: "Malvina - yes, bread, work, peace and freedom - too!" Haldiery's hopes did not meet the fact that with the assistance of the United States will be able to solve the conflict with the UK on the basis of a compromise. The Government of Great Britain, headed by the Iron Lady, Margaret Thatcher refused to have any negotiations with Argentina and launched large-scale martialctions In the area of \u200b\u200bthe Folland (Malvin) Islands. In May, British troops with the help of a military fleet and aviation landed on the islands, blocking the Argentine garrison there and forced it on June 14 to surrender. The United States, being an ally as Argentina (under the Rio de Janeiro agreement) and the UK (NATO), had direct support for the latter, violating their obligations against Argentina. The UK was supported by European NATO countries. With the condemnation of the actions of Great Britain and the US behavior, most of the Latin American states were made, non-aligned movement, socialist countries.
The defeat of the military government even more discredited him in the eyes of the people. The population on June 15 came to the streets, demanding the resignation of a government guilty of defeat, and restoring democracy. June 18, Galtieri resigned. The new Military Government of General Bignon was allowed on a limited scale party activity and declared readiness for dialogue with the opposition in search of ways to restore the Constitutional Management Board.
Folk speeches continued. On December 6, 1982, a 6 millionth universal strike was held. And in just 1982, 9 million people participated in strikes. - More than the previous 6 years. On December 16, a 150 thousand march for democracy was held in Buenos Aires, organized by the Multi-Parliament Union on the anniversary of his adoption of his program. The government appointed general elections on October 30, 1983.
The election struggle turned out mainly between the candidates of two leading parties - Italy Luder from the Hustine Party and Raoul Alfonsin from the Radical Civil Union, which laid the end of the multi-party union, whose functions were exhausted. Both candidates promised measures to democratize the country, the development of the economy, the improvement of the situation of workers, an independent peace-loving policy in the spirit of non-aligned movement. But in the election campaign of feather-nasts, nationalist and anti-imperialist tones sounded, while the radicals larger emphasis did on the problems of democracy and human rights. Trade unions and the Communist Party supported the perion candidate.
The victory in the elections on October 30, 1983 won the candidate Raul Alfonsin, who received 52% of the vote. Candidate of Peronists Italian Luder, supported by most workers, scored 40% of the vote. Radicals purchased 128 out of 254 seats in the ward of deputies and 7 gubernatorial posts in the most important provinces (Buenos Aires, Cordoba, etc.). Perionists have achieved 111 seats in the ward of deputies, most in the Senate and 12 gubernatorial posts. The high percentage of votes for Alfonsin was due to the fact that numerous middle layers voted for him. He was given the votes of the moderate and right forces who feared the victories of unpredictable peronysties, who were observed on the trade unions, but did not have a chance for their own success in elections. They also influenced both fresh memories of the deplorable results of the recent second stay of peronysts in the mid-70s. The election results also showed a high concentration of votes around two parties - radicals and perions (92%), confirming their reputation as the main political forces in the republic. On December 10, 1983, the military regime passed the power of the elected constitutional president R. Alfonsin.
In 1978, workers were used to liberalize the military regime in Brazil in 1978. In May 1978, 400 thousand workers of the industrial belt São Paulo, seeking wages, improving the working conditions and restoration of trade union freedoms. The government did not decide on repression. Bashes achieved some concessions. In just a year (May 1978, 1979), there are more than 1 million people.
The Government of General J. B. Figueuru (1979-1985) accelerated the liberalization process. In August 1979, the amnesty of most political prisoners and political immigrants was declared. In January 1980, the transition to multiparty began. Party Arena and Brazilian Democratic Action (BDD) abolished. Instead of the previous pro-government Arena, Social Democratic party (SDP), Expressing major capital interests and did not have anything in common, except the name, with Social Democracy. Nevertheless, to compete successfully with opposition forces, the SDP took the slogans of democratic and social reforms.
The largest opposition parties became Brazilian democratic party act (PBDD), united by most of the members of the former BDD. She spoke to the early democratization of the country and the wide Union of all anti-dictatorial forces. PBDD was inhomogeneous, there were social democratic and moderate liberal-reformist trends in it.
Thrab workers who were previously in the BDD created two independent parties. Moderate wing formed Brazilian Trabalist Party (accident), Head of the founder of the founder of Trabalisms Zhetulio Vargas Ivette Vargas. But the majority of the trabalists went to the popular Left Trabalist leader Leonela Brizola, who created Democratic Trabalist Party (DTP). She became the left party of social-democratic orientation with certain populist features. Accident required full recovery Democracy, agrarian reform, the protection of the national economy and the interests of workers, anti-imperialist foreign policy, was for the participation of workers in the management of enterprises and in local governments and for the construction of "Democratic Socialism".
The new phenomenon was the emergence of a batch of workers (PT), created on the basis of combat unions of the industrial belt of San Paulo by their leader - the head of Metallic and Metallurgists San Paulo Lucio Inasiu and Silva (1946), the nicknamed Lula workers. He gained fame and won the authority of the leader workers during strikes 1978-1979. The party of the working people was distinguished by combat radicalism. She demanded deep democratic and social transformations and the construction of society without operation.
As for the Communist Party of Brazil, which suffered large losses from repression during the years of dictatorship and legally, the remaining illegal, then after 1980 he made a wide solidarity of all democratic forces in the struggle for the complete elimination of dictatorship. The oldest leader of the party, the hero of the "Tentist" movement of the 20s of L. K. The Proness, who was coming for the Union of the left, revolutionary forces, did not receive support and came out of the party, accusing her new guide to opportunism (in 1990 at the age of 92 He died of years).
A prominent role began to play mass non-party movements, Especially the lower Christian communities, the organization of residents of "Poverty settlements", unification of students and intelligentsia.
Energetically advanced to the requirements of democratic transformations National Bishops Conference. The strike struggle of workers continued to develop. The peasant movement was revived. The requirement of agrarian reform was put forward by the National Confederation of Agricultural Workers, which united 6 million people. In August 1981, the National Conference of Workers' Classes, which commended the creation of a unified national association of trade unions independent of the state, for democracy and a change in social and economic policy was held in São Paulo.
At the turn of the 80s, the economic situation in Brazil worsened. Inflation in 1980 reached 120%. For the first time in many years, in 1981, GDP decreased by 3.5%, and industrial production fell by 8.4%. It stimulated the further growth of opposition sentiment. At the parliamentary elections and the first election of the governors in November 1982, opposition forces scored almost 60% of the votes. PBDD won 201 out of 479 seats in the lower chamber of the National Congress and 9 Governor's posts, including in the most important states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Governor Rio de Janeiro became Leonel Brizol, whose party (accident) received 23 places in the ward of deputies. Party of workers acquired 8 mandates. The ruling SDP received 12 posts of governors less inhabited states. She retained the predominance in the Senate, but lost the absolute majority in the ward of deputies.
After elections, the opposition strengthened pressure on the government. Stranded strikes, protest marches, demonstrations. In August 1983, trade unions, under the influence of the party of workers, created a unified trade center of brazil workers. In November of the same year, other trade unions under the influence of PBDD, Communists and other currents were formed by Parallel National Tractsentr - the National Coordination Committee of the Workers, in 1986 renamed the universal profession of workers (HPT). Both uniforms are actively fought for the interests of workers and employees and for the restoration of democracy, although the split of the trade union movement interfered between the organization of uniform speeches.
Since the end of 1983, a mass campaign for direct presidential elections and a speedy transition to civilian government unfolded in Brazil. The government insisted on the election of the president, as before, the electoral collegium as part of the members of the National Congress and state representatives, only 680 extra manwhere a government majority was provided in advance. Thus, the transition to the civil rule was supposed to be carried out while maintaining power in the hands of the ruling group. Government candidate in. The presidents were nominated by the deputy from the SDP P. Maluluh. In January-April 1984, in many cities, a wave of crowded rates for the introduction of direct elections, ended with millions of manifestations in Rio de Janeiro (April 10) and Sao Paulo (April 16) with the participation of all opposition forces. However, the government for the next elections has preserved the former procedure for election of the presidential of the electoral collegium. The requirement of the opposition on the immediate introduction of direct elections on April 25, 1984 was rejected in the National Congress with a slight majority.
The mass campaign of 1984 for the direct elections stirred the country and showed that the struggle for democratization went beyond the liberalization regulated by the authorities. The initiative passed to the opposition. The Batch of Brazilian Democratic Action (PBDD) has made the support of almost all opposition forces (except for the party of workers who refused to participate in indirect elections) and decided to join the struggle for power in the conditions of indirect elections. Under the influence of the national movement, a large grouping, which created a new batch of liberal front in December 1984, headed by Senator Jose Sarnem was published. The Liberal Front Party passed into the opposition and combined with the PBDD to the block called "Democratic Union". A political figure, an employee of Vargas Tancredo Nevis (PBDD), and in Vice-Presidents - Jose Saranni (PLF) was put forward by the presidential candidate from the Democratic Union. This is a government candidate for defeat. On January 15, 1985, candidates of the democratic opposition were elected votes of 480 of 686 electotors by the president and vice president. On March 15, 1985, the authorities were transferred to the military to the New Civilian government, although an unforeseen complication arose: a few hours before the president, the 75-year-old T. Nevis was taken to the hospital with an attack of appendicitis. The fulfillment of his duties was entrusted to the elected vice president of the leader of the party of the liberal front Jose Sarneu. On April 22, T. Nevis died in the hospital, and without recovering. President became J. Saranni. The 21-year period of the military regime in Brazil ended.
In November 1984, elections in Uruguay took place. And here in March 1985, the military transferred power to the civil constitutional government. In early 1986, the constitutional governments came to power in Guatemala and Honduras. In February 1986, the gloomy dictatorship of Duvali in Haiti fell. True, it did not lead to the establishment of constitutional government due to the opposition of military and weakness and fragmentation of democratic forces. In January 1989, the most durable in the region was overthrown as a result of a military coup. dictatorship of A. Stressner in Paraguay (1954- 1989). IN May 1989 held universal elections, at which General Rodriguez was elected by the president - in the past, the stage of the stressner, then he left him and headed the January coup. The transition began a paraguay to constitutional rule.
The longest in South America lasted dictatorship in Chile, Where democratic forces had to withstand a stubborn struggle for its liquidation. The coup of 1973 in Chile was supported by the wide unpolelist layers of the population, bourgeois parties, including the most influential Christian-Democratic Party (HDP). But very soon they felt that Pinochet regime was not going to allow them to power. Significant masses of small bourgeoisie and employees felt negative for them consequences of the junta policy. This led to a narrowing of the social support of the military regime. Moved to the opposition acting semi-easily HDP. However, the leadership of the HDP refused active anti-government actions, especially since cooperation with the communists and their allies. Moderate leaders of the HDP - Edward Frey and his supporters were limited to the criticism of the regime and pressure on him in favor of liberalization, hoping that this eventually would open the way to power them and at the same time would prevent the possibility of returning to the left of the left forces.
A big role in the salvation of victims of repression, in the exposure of the crimes of the regime, in the development of human rights movement and solidarity with the workers played Chilean catholic Church, a number of years formerly the only legal opposition.
Working movement and left forces for a long time could not recover from severe defeat and cruel persecution. In 1976, one after another was revealed and physically destroyed by the Huntful three underground guidelines of the Communist Party. Only by the end of the 70s there are signs of revitalizing the labor movement and illegal activities of the left parties, the first of which restored its underground structure of the Communist Party. The focus of the leaders of former trade union federations began to be issued, trying to restore communications with lower trade unions. The first organized a moderate wing of Christian-Democratic trade union figures who had more semi-legal activities. In 1976, they created a "group of ten", transformed later to the Democratic Union of Workers (DST). In 1978 arose National Coordination Council of Workers (NKST), The united the main core of the trade union figures of the former united professor of workers (Kut) Chile, mainly communists, socialists and left Christian Democrats. Provision in 1979 limited rights The legal activities of the lower trade unions led to the recovery in most of them the positions of the left forces, which facilitated the resumption of links between the lower and highest links reviving the trade union movement. The NCT has become the most influential and representative association of industrial workers. But his position weakened the presence of several parallel associations of moderate and even pro-government orientation (the latter, however, did not have a noticeable influence), and also by the fact that a significant part of the workers who were the traditional stronghold of the left, turned out to be displaced from industrial production in the ranks of Marginals. In addition, the Socialist Party and some other former participants People's unity Slap on competing fractions, some of which began to move to social democratic positions and move away from the Communists. Nevertheless, the working movement came to life. The production conflicts began, in which in 1979-1980. Tens of thousands of people participated.
In the late 70s, military junta refused to establish a corporate state and put forward the slogan "Liberalization" and Transition to K. "Authoritarian Democracy". It was about giving the dictatorship of the attributes of "legality", with admission to the limited legal activity of moderate parties. But it was supposed to be implemented in stages. First of all, in response to the accusations of the world community in the usurpation of power by Pinochet and the Military Top Hunt, "Plebisitis" was staged on January 4, 1978, on which, according to the authorities, only 20% of the participants opposed the regime. However, the results of the plebiscite conducted by the terrorist dictatorship, few people convinced. The government then developed a draft of the new Constitution of Chile, rendered on plebiscite September 11, 1980 V., In the seventh anniversary of the coup. All opposition forces condemned it as an attempt to legalize the dictatorship. According to the rules declared by the authorities, 32.5% of the voting constitutions spoke against the Constitution.
The 1980 Constitution proclaimed the restoration of representatives of representative democracy and civil liberties. However, the activities of the parties were regulated, batchies adhere to the principles of class struggle were prohibited. The powers of the National Congress were limited. The authoritarian authority of the president who interconnected by a universal vote for 8 years with the right of re-election was established. The president was the head of the executive authority, possessed important legislative functions, the right to publish decrets with the power of laws, the right of dissolution of the Congress, the holding of plebiscites, the introduction of a state of emergency. He controlled the Armed Forces and the Carabinier Corps, led the activities of the National Security Council created under it, assigned a quarter of the members of the Senate.
It was announced the introduction of a new Constitution since March 1981. However, the implementation of its main articles - about the elections, the Congress and Party was postponed for 8 years. Until then, the powers of the Congress performed the junta as part of the four commander of the clauses of the troops and the Carabinier casing. Pinochet without any election was declared from March 1981 by the "constitutional" president for 8 years, with the right of re-election for the next 8 years.
The course for the institutionalization of the regime meant that his organizers did not intend to give up the power of the DJs in favor of a moderate opposition in the foreseeable future. This prompted the HDP to strengthen the pressure on the government, although it still refused to the violent forms of struggle. The Communist Party in September 1980 declared the right of the people to a massive uprising against a dictatorship, which can be overthrown only to the actions from the bottom. The nomination of this slogan complicated its relationship with a temperate opposition.
The economic crisis of the early 1980s aggravated the situation in the country and accelerated the growth of the opposition movement. In April 1983, the Confederation of Workers of the Copper Industry, in which, as
in most industrial trade unions, the left Christian democrats, the Communists and the Socialists prevailed, appealed to the workers and to the people of the country to conduct nationwide performances against the dictatorship. With the support of all opposition trade unions and parties on May 11, 1983, a national protest was held against dictatorship. Crowds of workers, the unemployed, residents of "Village of poverty", students, representatives of medium-sized population took to the streets in different parts of Santiago and other cities. Shakes of demonstrators with police and troops, barricade battles in workers and university quarters occurred, for further management of the struggle in June 1983, the National Guidelines Council of Workers (PRST) was established, which united the NCT, the Confederation of Workers' Copper Industry and other trade unions. The days of the national protest began to be held almost monthly one by one. They participated every time to one and a half million people.
The left forces intended to move to a universal strike and folk disobedience, up to the mass uprising and overthrow of the dictatorship. Moderate participants of the movement set up to folk performances more limited pressure of the government to force him to an opposition agreement. They hoped to achieve the restoration of democracy, without resorting to violent, armed forms of struggle, fraught with large victims and revolutionary excesses and events output from under the control of moderately reformist forces. Their hopes inspired the example of the Peace Transition of Spain in 1976-1977. from Francoist regime to democracy. In August 1983, HDP and other bourgeois parties, as well as a number of fractions of socialists, radicals and some others who have left the Union with the Communist Party after making the course on the "People's uprising (disobedience)" created a wide block of moderate opposition - Democratic alliance. The Communist Party, a significant part of the former Socialist Party (Socialist Party of Klodomiro Almeida, former Foreign Minister in the Government of Allend) and the left revolutionary movement (peace) formed in September 1983 People's Democratic Movement (NDD), Defending the revolutionary positions and the course on the overthrow of the dictatorship with the help of mass actions.
Fighting dictatorship in 1983-1986. More than once gained acute character. In October 1984 and in July 1986, under the appeal of the National Governing Council, workers managed to organize universal strikes against the regime with the participation of significant masses of the population. But further development The movement did not receive. The government managed, offering the democratic alliance negotiations, to achieve his waste from participating in mass performances. On September 4-6, 1986, NDD organized a new universal strike on its own, but it had a limited scope. After more than three years of lifting mass speeches of faith workers in their effectiveness began to dry out, fatigue appeared among the population.
In December 1984, the Underground Armed Organization "Patriotic Front named after Manuel Rodriguez" was created with the participation of young communists (the hero of the partisan struggle during the independence of the beginning of the XIX century) for the implementation of armed actions against the regime and preparation of units for the protection of participants in mass speeches. On September 7, 1986, the front took an attempt on Pinochet, attacking the cavalcade of the machines, in which the dictator was driving along with the accompanying persons. Many of his companions were killed and injured, but Pinochet itself managed to get rid of a light scratch. Unsuccessful attempt on the dictator had negative consequences. The mode used this event for another wave of repression. Moderate and left-centering parties condemned the attempt and armed methods and refused further performances. Mass movement against the dictatorship went to the decline.
Resist the regime helped and economic successes. After a long strip of stagnation and recession (1973-1983) for 5 years (1984-1988), the average annual GDP growth rates reached 6%, and B.1989 G.-8.5%. Inflation fell up to 12.7%. In 1988, Chile managed to pay 2 billion dollars on foreign debt and reduce it by 7%. Somewhat reduced unemployment, however, more than a third of the population remained outside of stable employment. Began to grow real wageAlthough she remained noticeable below the time of Allend. The production of per capita also has not yet reached the level of the early 1970s. The proportion of chili in total value Production of the manufacturing industry of Latin American countries has decreased from 5.4% in 1970 to 3% in 1988
The economic successes of the second half of the 1980s, stretchingly distinguished chili during these years from other countries of the region, were explained by a number of reasons. Finally, the results of modernization, especially export industries, including the production of informative techniques began to be affixed. The foreign economic conjuncture favorable for Chile helped (especially the rise in copper prices), export revenues increased by 1/3. An important role was played by the influx of foreign capital (for one 1988, 1.9 billion dollars) attracted by preferential conditions and low cost work force. Additional funds gave increased sale of state-owned companies. More effective development Production and some weakening of social tensions contributed to the sale of small shares of companies in workers and employees, which engulfed 400 thousand people. As a result, the regime was able to attract part of the population to its side, stimulate conformistic and reformists, although social contrasts, unpleasuries, poverty and discontent of the large masses were preserved. For a feature of poverty (according to the UN criteria) in Chile in 1971 there were 15-17% of the Chileans, and in the late 80s-45-48%.
The failure of the open confrontation of the working and popular movement with the regime in 1983-1986. meant defeat left revolutionary Alternatives dictatorship. But mass performances weakened and loosened the regime, creating the conditions for the implementation of a more moderate, the reformist alternative to the transition to democracy in Hegemony XDP. Under pressure of the opposition began the process of liberalization and erosion of the regime. In March 1987, legal activities of the right and moderate parties were allowed. The left buses successfully disposable space for semi-legal activity. In June 1987, on the basis of People's Democratic Movement, they created a new coalition "United left". The rest of the opposition parties were united with XDP into a grouping of 16 parties speaking for the transition of Chile to democracy by combining pressure with the search for agreements with the regime in order to avoid complications and large victims.
In August 1988, the unitarized trade center of workers was recreated (Kut) Chile, The countries united by unions markedly spent during the years of dictatorship (300 thousand people). Now the Christian-Democratic and Social Democratic Treatment, which fisked communists began to prevail in it. The chairman of the Kut was the prominent worker of the trade union movement of the late 70s and 1980s left Christian Democrat Manuel Bustos.
On 5. october 1988 Hunt appointed a plebiscite, which was supposed to provide 73-year-old Pinochet presidential powers for another 8 years. In the event of a negative outcome of the plebiscite at the end of 1989, presidential elections were finally held. But then Pinochet remained in power for more than a year and could claim to nominate his candidacy in these elections. "No" Pinochet was expressed about 55% of Pollbiscitis participants. More than 43% supported the dictator.
After plebiscite, opposition forces have steadily increased pressure on the dictatorship, speeding up the process of dismantling it. On December 14, 1989, presidential elections were appointed. Pinochet did not put forward his candidacy, but retained the right to remain the commander of the land forces for another 8 years (and accordingly to maintain control over the army). The opposition has achieved significant amendments to the Constitution of 1980 in 1989. The prohibition of parties on ideological reasons was abolished, which opened the way to the legalization of the Communist Party. The term of office of the president was reduced from 8 to 4 years, a number of extreme authority was abolished, in particular the right of dissolution of the Congress.
The leading partition of the opposition - HDP nominated the presidential candidate of his leader Patricio Eylvin (r. 1918), the long-standing party of the party, the close companion of the founder and the long-term leader of the HDP E. Freya, who deceased in 1982, belonging to the moderate wing of Christian Democrats, Eylvin As Frey, in 1973 he was an opponent of the Government of Allend, but then constantly performed with the criticism of the dictatorship of Pinochet, against repression, in defense of human rights and for restoring democracy. He defended non-violent methods of struggle, rejecting violence on the right and left. Around his candidacy for the coalition of parties, all the forces of the democratic opposition were united, except for the communists.
In May 1989, after a 20-year break, Chile has held its XV Congress, who updated her leadership. For more than 30 years, headed by the party Luis Korvalan, who was already the 73rd year, went from the post secretary-General. The congress confirmed the party's commitment to the course on the use of all forms of struggle for democratic transformations, including a popular uprising, although the slogan of the "popular uprising" clearly did not answer the new situation, the masses of the masses and isolated communists from other parties. The block "Unified Left" collapsed, the Socialists - the K. Almeida faction - left the Communists and entered the coalition of 17 parties. At the same time, the XV Congress of the Communist Party decided to support the candidacy of P. Eylvin, so as not to split the ranks of opponents of the dictatorship and not to be in complete isolation.
Two candidates claimed from the right to be president. This facilitated the task of P. Eylvina, successfully, with the rise of the election campaign. At the elections on December 14, 1989, Patricio Eylvin received more than 53% of the vote and was elected president of Chile. True, the united efforts of all opposition dictatorship of the parties were barely enough to get a little more than half of the votes, which indicated the preservation of significant positions from supporters of the right-hand forces. And yet it was the victory of democratic forces. In the House of Deputies, the opposition won 72 places out of 120. On March 11, 1990, the military junta led by Pinochet after 16 and a half years of the Board gave the authority to the electing president P. Eylvin and the civil government headed by him. On this day, the last dictatorship disappeared from the political map of South America.
New successes were marked at the end of the 70s - the first half of the 80s, the process of decolonization in the Caribbean. Independence received six former owners of Great Britain:
Dominica (1978), Saint Lucia (1979), Saint Vincent and Grenadines (1979), Belize (1981), Antigua and Barbuda (1981), Saint Christopher and Nevis (1983). The total area of \u200b\u200bnew states amounted to more than 25 thousand km 2 (of which Belize 23 thousand km 2), and the population is about 650 thousand people. As a result, the number of independent states of Latin America and the Caribbean reached 33 and remained at this level until the 90s. In total, now young sovereign states of the Caribbean subregion, who gained independence in 1962-1983, was 13 (12 English-speaking, former British possessions, and one - Surinames - the former Netherlands Colony). The summary territory reached 435 thousand km 2 (over 2% of Latin America), and the population (in 1986) is about 6.2 million people (1.5% of the population of the region). Under the rule of the UK in the Caribbean, only a few small island territories and Falkland (Malvinsky) Islands in South Atlantic remained. In general, the preserved ownership of the United States ("freely joined state" Puerto Rico and part of the Virgin Islands), France ("Overseas Departments" Guadeloupe, Martinique and French Guiana), Great Britain and the Netherlands now occupied 115 thousand km 2 (of which 90 thousand. km 2 - "French Guiana), i.e. 0.5% of the territory of Latin America." They lived 4.6 million people (including 3.4 million in Puerto Rico) -Nogim more than 1% of the population Region, and without Puerto Rico-less than 0.3%.
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- Military dollar power. How to protect Russia, Valentin Catamon. Valentin Yuryevich Katasonov - Professor of the Department of International Finance MGIMO, Doctor of Economic Sciences. His books that are distinguished by a large number of factual and deep analysis ...
