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List of Prime Ministers of Myanmar (Burma) (1948–present)

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Notes

The second princess just left the patient’s room with tear-stained eyes and sat down next to Doctor Lorrain, who was sitting in a graceful pose under the portrait of Catherine, leaning his elbows on the table.
“Tres beau,” said the doctor, answering a question about the weather, “tres beau, princesse, et puis, a Moscou on se croit a la campagne.” [beautiful weather, princess, and then Moscow looks so much like a village.]
“N"est ce pas? [Isn’t that right?],” said the princess, sighing. “So can he drink?”
Lorren thought about it.
– Did he take the medicine?
- Yes.
The doctor looked at the breget.
– Take a glass of boiled water and put in une pincee (with his thin fingers he showed what une pincee means) de cremortartari... [a pinch of cremortartar...]
“Listen, I didn’t drink,” the German doctor said to the adjutant, “so that after the third blow there was nothing left.”
– What a fresh man he was! - said the adjutant. – And who will this wealth go to? – he added in a whisper.
“There will be a okotnik,” the German answered, smiling.
Everyone looked back at the door: it creaked, and the second princess, having made the drink shown by Lorren, took it to the sick man. The German doctor approached Lorrain.
- Maybe it will last until tomorrow morning? - asked the German, speaking bad French.
Lorren, pursing his lips, sternly and negatively waved his finger in front of his nose.
“Tonight, not later,” he said quietly, with a decent smile of self-satisfaction in the fact that he clearly knew how to understand and express the patient’s situation, and walked away.

Meanwhile, Prince Vasily opened the door to the princess’s room.
The room was dim; only two lamps were burning in front of the images, and there was a good smell of incense and flowers. The entire room was furnished with small furniture: wardrobes, cupboards, and tables. The white covers of a high down bed could be seen from behind the screens. The dog barked.
- Oh, is it you, mon cousin?
She stood up and straightened her hair, which had always, even now, been so unusually smooth, as if it had been made from one piece with her head and covered with varnish.
- What, did something happen? – she asked. “I’m already so scared.”
- Nothing, everything is the same; “I just came to talk to you, Katish, about business,” said the prince, wearily sitting down on the chair from which she had risen. “How did you warm it up, however,” he said, “well, sit here, causons.” [let's talk.]
– I was wondering if something had happened? - said the princess and with her unchanged, stone-stern expression on her face, she sat down opposite the prince, preparing to listen.
“I wanted to sleep, mon cousin, but I can’t.”
- Well, what, my dear? - said Prince Vasily, taking the princess’s hand and bending it downwards according to his habit.
It was clear that this “well, what” referred to many things that, without naming them, they both understood.
The princess, with her incongruously long legs, lean and straight waist, looked directly and dispassionately at the prince with her bulging gray eyes. She shook her head and sighed as she looked at the images. Her gesture could be explained both as an expression of sadness and devotion, and as an expression of fatigue and hope for a quick rest. Prince Vasily explained this gesture as an expression of fatigue.

Myanmar is a popular tourist destination, a country with a vast history, open people and a traditional Asian attachment to tradition. Previously, the state was called the Republic of the Union of Burma, or Burma for short, but in 1989, along with a change in the political course of the authorities, came a complete reconstruction of the regalia, which marked the beginning of the further development of the country. Myanmar is now the largest center of recreational and spiritual activity in Asia, advocates for democratic movements around the world and strives to refrain from conflict on the international stage, at least until recently.

Location and geolocation features

For tourists, the question “where is Burma and what kind of country is Myanmar” arises even at the stage of considering travel options. The fact is that this name is an established archaism in relation to this state. The population of the former Burma itself has an extremely negative attitude towards the nickname and in every possible way emphasizes the fact that changes in regalia have occurred. Geographically, Myanmar is located in the west and borders India and Bangladesh, China, Laos and Thailand. The total area of ​​the state is 678 square meters. km., and the length of the coastline is 1930 kilometers.

Much of the area of ​​former Burma is influenced by a subequatorial and tropical climate, resulting in humid, hot weather. Only a few months are relatively cold - from late October to mid-February. During the cool period, the average temperature is 13-15 degrees Celsius, less often - 10. Frosts are possible in mountainous areas; in summer the temperature rises to 41 degrees. Due to the intense humidity and heat, Myanmar is usually a popular destination for tourists from August to September.

Economic potential

“Where is Burma? What kind of country is this with such a conservative course? - it is enough to answer these two questions to describe the economic potential of the state. The former Burma is located between several large neighbors, in an area where expensive timber is abundant and there are valleys adapted for plantations. The lion's share of GDP (more than 40%) comes from the agricultural sector. Rice, legumes, and sugar cane are grown in the country, and it is the latter that is exported to Asian countries. Among the population, more than 70% are involved in the agricultural sector, in contrast, the field of consulting and IT technologies is the least popular.

20% of GDP is made up of industry, mainly manufacturing. The lion's share of exports, more than 50% (according to 2016 data), goes to Thailand, which is Burma's strategic partner. Gold, oil, tin, iron ore are massively mined from mineral resources, and there are tungsten processing enterprises. This industry employs only 7% of the population. In the industrial segment, from the government’s point of view, the priority sectors are the extraction and processing of precious and semi-precious stones. Myanmar not only processes such a luxury resource, but also successfully exports it abroad.

The national kyat is floating against the dollar. Regardless of the US embargo and tensions, tourists continue to flood the Burmese market with foreign capital. You can exchange currency in the country not only in a bank, but also on the black market.

Tourist destination

The Myanmar government emphasizes the state's openness in terms of contacts with the international community and supports recreational principles among society. The former Burma is ready to offer tourists a warm climate, low density of beaches caused by its proximity to Thailand and powerful infrastructure. A tangible advantage of Myanmar in this segment is access to two bays and the sea; the extensive coastline allows you to choose a holiday resort depending on the preferences of the tourist.

Despite the rather strict censorship carried out by the authorities in relation to the indigenous population, all sorts of restrictions do not significantly affect tourists. In comparison with similar resorts, it is worth noting only slightly stricter laws regarding the behavior of tourists in public places and restrictions on movement in certain areas. Travelers themselves are most attracted to the former capital of the state - Yangon, where the Shwedagon Pagoda is located. Also interesting are the temples, which are the least developed in terms of infrastructure in the city, since the Bama (the self-name of the people of Myanmar) have an impressive history and a desire to preserve traditions. The main interest of tourists is not the capital of Myanmar, Naypyitaw, but more remote areas.

A set of rules that tourists must study

A rather strict “special regime” operated in Myanmar for more than 60 years, when the country was protected from the outside world by a military dictatorship. At the moment, the former Burma is open to tourists and travelers, however, there are a number of rules on the territory of the state that must be followed both in more civilized areas and in the wilderness. It is prohibited to export Myanmar currency, but the restriction does not apply to foreign currency. Any amounts above 2 thousand dollars are subject to mandatory declaration; they are exchanged within a state bank or other large counterparties.

It is prohibited to export any images or figurines of Buddha, objects of historical or national heritage, or cultural property from the country. Anti-government or prohibited religious literature and household appliances, including cameras, cannot be imported into the country; they may be asked to be left in a storage locker. There are few such precedents, but it is still worth keeping in mind the existence of such an order. Not everywhere in the country you can move freely. The echoes of the military regime are still strong in Myanmar. There is a separate card for tourists. If a violation occurs, a foreigner may be deported and even detained with subsequent arrest.

Myanmar has relatively poor internet coverage in the private sector. Internet access is provided through Internet cafes, and content is regulated by the government. Access to a number of sites, blogs and pages on the Internet is strictly limited, since such information is recognized as anti-government. For tourists, it is always better to clarify this point with a travel agency or directly on site. Every traveler must be familiarized with a complete list of rules of behavior and good manners. The latter can cause a serious conflict if a foreigner shows disrespect for the shrines or traditions of the country. So, for example, when entering a house or temple, you should definitely take off your shoes, while trying not to show your feet to the public, which is an insult. To be fair, it is worth noting that most of the restrictions are designed to ensure the safety of foreigners visiting the country.

History of Myanmar and the formation of traditions

The history of the state of Burma itself begins in 1948, when the country gained independence from Great Britain following the Second World War. In 1962, a socialist republic was formed under military control and with close ties to the USSR. The state of Burma was relatively short-lived. A coup in 1988 returned the name Myanmar to the state and changed its course towards political independence. Up until 2011, the country was more or less ruled by the military. In particular, the leader of Myanmar, who at that time was Senior General Than Shwe, was one of the initiators of the “special situation”, which involved censorship and strict control from the executive branch of government.

Population and mentality

The population of Myanmar (Burma) consists of two ethnic groups - Mon and Burmese. Now it is multi-ethnic and has over 100 nationalities. It is noteworthy that the Mons, who are called precisely the indigenous population of Burma, since the Burmese migrated to the country from China, make up no more than 2-2.5% of the current ethnic group of the country. Most of them were assimilated by the Burmese with cross-cultural traditions. The total population is 51.5 million people.

The current leader of Myanmar has proclaimed the country's openness towards other nationalities and followers of various religions. Initially, the Bama were influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism. Today, the number of mosques and adherents of Islam is growing throughout the country, until the conflict in August-September 2017, when the Rohingya ethnic group, called illegal by the government, was persecuted. Buddhism remains the main religion of Burma. However, the population of Myanmar (Burma) is tolerant of various faiths. The official language of Burma is Burmese, with a number of dialects stemming not only from differences in faiths, but also from past Mongol intervention.

The religious center for Buddhists is the village of Pindaya, famous for its caves. Here, according to supporters of the Theravada Buddhist school, all the significant ministries for the Shan, and the faith as a whole, took place over the past few decades. Several caves have been carved into the rock, but most of the complex is of natural origin. More than 8 thousand Buddha statues were hidden here, as well as a golden mortar, which was extremely relevant for supporters of the faith.

Drug export and crime

Where Burma is located and what kind of country is hidden under this name has left its mark on the development of the black market and criminal elements within the state. Myanmar has extensive smuggling potential through maritime routes, with many border areas unguarded. On the territory of Burma itself there are drug plantations where opium is grown. In the prevalence of this segment, Myanmar is second only to Afghanistan and honorably occupies one of the places of the “Golden Triangle”, a territorial area controlled by a number of criminal organizations that have been supplying drugs to the West since the beginning of the 20th century.

Due to the prevalence of drugs and the market for them, crime is rampant in Myanmar. The most attractive areas for tourists are controlled by the police and sometimes by the regular army of Burma, but in most parts of the state there is a tendency for an increase in the number of crimes. One of the directions of the new government is openness; President Thin Kyaw abolished the special regime in the country and proclaimed the fight against crime.

Political system

Currently, the post of President of Myanmar is occupied by Thin Kyaw, the Prime Minister is Aung San Suu Kyi, and her cabinet controls issues related to migrants. A quarter of the seats in the government remain with the military, but the closeness that was previously characteristic of Burma no longer exists. Despite numerous Western sanctions, the country is more actively concluding trade agreements and participating on the world stage as a player.

The Myanmar government is trying to level out the problem of clashes between ethnic groups within the country by reaching a compromise, however, according to the press and the opinion of world-class politicians, the persecution of individual representatives of society within Myanmar continues. The government apparatus is located in the capital of Myanmar - Naypyitaw. This area is considered one of the most developed in the country.

Conflict in Myanmar: causes

Depending on the adherence to a particular religion, as well as the political course, there are several causes of the conflict in Myanmar. Let us recall that in August-September 2017, a number of clashes occurred in the state of Rakhine (Arakan), resulting in casualties among the Rohingya. In the CIS countries, adherents of Islam came out in support of their brothers in Burma. The government of Burma itself focuses on the illegal status of this ethnic group, calling the persecuted citizens refugees from Bangladesh. Adherents of Islam believe such inaction of the state apparatus is criminal, and the reason for the clashes is the government’s fear of a “new point of jihad.”

The cause of the conflict in Myanmar is also considered to be the desire of politicians to radically change course and return to “market relations.” There have even been speculations about foreign influence on the current state of affairs in Burma. It should be noted that the current leader of the Burmese Foreign Ministry and Prime Minister Aung San Suu Kyi has the status of a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, as a result of which her inaction is subject to numerous criticism from the opposition. The conflict in Myanmar escalated last year, when a wave of attacks on government institutions and border posts broke out in the state. Then the government introduced a regular army into the region. At the moment the conflict is in a passive state.

The third opinion regarding the causes of the conflict in Myanmar is due to the “Arakan massacre”, during the historical period of occupation of part of the country by Japan. In 1942, there was a massive clash between Rohingya and Burmese supporting the interventionists. Local residents supported the Japanese, while Rohingya troops were armed with British weapons and sided with the Allies. In view of this long-standing conflict, the contradictions between ethnic groups are still fresh. In the history of Myanmar, there are several precedents similar to the events of the current period, in 2012 and 2013.

Is Burma dangerous for tourists?

When visiting the most developed and civilized centers of the country - no. Those areas where the conflict is developing most acutely are restricted to visit and are controlled by troops, making it difficult to penetrate into their territory. If they adhere to the moral standards of society and moderate behavior, the Burmese will seem to tourists to be friendly and friendly people. In terms of attractiveness as a recreational center, Myanmar occupies a fairly high position. Otherwise, the territory of the state remains developed at the level of third world countries and rather poor.

Developed crime still has a serious impact on Myanmar, since opium distribution channels are dictated by the massive supply and secrecy. There is no direct threat to the life of a tourist, however, when traveling to Burma, you should follow the agency’s instructions and limit yourself to a number of places open to viewing.

So, where is Burma, and what kind of country is so closed to society? Myanmar remains one of the most colorful countries in Asia, as it combines many cultural heritages from different ethnic groups. Unfortunately, this is precisely the reason for constant conflicts in the country and clashes based on differences in religious views. As a recreational country, Myanmar is popular and can offer foreigners a wide range of holiday destinations, but as an economic agent and political player in the former British colony, Britain still has a long way to go.

Gleb Aleksandrovich Ivashentsov,
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia,
member of the Russian International Affairs Council,
especially for RISI

On March 30, the new President of Myanmar (formerly Burma), Thin Kyaw, took the oath of office - the country's first civilian president since the military coup in 1962. Thin Kyaw is a representative of the previously opposition party People's League for Democracy (NLD), which is led by the daughter of Burmese national hero General Aung San, the “democratic icon of Myanmar” and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest for a long time under the military regime. Aung San Suu Kyi herself, despite her popularity, is deprived of the opportunity to become president, since her two sons are British subjects, and the Constitution of Myanmar prohibits persons with close foreign relatives from holding the post of head of state.

Under these conditions, the only option left for the winning party was to appoint a “trusted president”, whose activities, according to the NLD, would be directed by Aung San Suu Kyi. This appointee, chosen by the party leader, was her childhood friend, 70-year-old Thin Kyaw.

Are the military leaving?

Before our eyes, a unique governance model is emerging in Myanmar, taking into account both the principles of Western democracy and the role of the army in the life of the country over the past decades. According to the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar adopted in 2008, in the bicameral All-Union Parliament and 14 regional legislative assemblies, 25% of the seats are reserved for representatives of the army, who vote as a single bloc on the orders of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Simultaneously with Thin Kyaw taking the oath as President of Myanmar, the post of the country's first vice-president was taken over by a representative of the military faction, Lieutenant General Myint Swei. The second vice-president was a member of the Council of Nationalities from the NLD, Henry Van Thio, a native of Chin State, a Christian by religion, whose nomination to the post of vice-president should confirm the NLD's line of interaction with the country's ethnic and religious minorities. According to the 2008 Constitution, the commander-in-chief appoints three security ministers - defense, internal affairs and border protection. In the National Defense and Security Council, which is formally headed by the president, six of the 11 members are representatives of the army.

The role of the army in the life of Myanmar

The significant role of the army in the life of Myanmar is determined by a number of circumstances. The main one is that by the time Burma gained independence from Great Britain in 1948, in this country, unlike, say, India, there was essentially no national civilian political elite capable of taking control of the state into its own hands. On the one hand, the British colonial authorities maximally limited the recruitment of ethnic Burmese into government service. On the other hand, there were no ethnic Burmese among the more or less influential entrepreneurs of colonial Burma: large businesses were in the hands of the British, medium and small businesses were in the hands of the Indians and Chinese. At the same time, during the Second World War, powerful armed forces were formed in Burma, initially headed by young, patriotic and well-educated people. Therefore, the army historically acted in Burma as the main bearer of the national idea.

The army also prevented the country from sliding into anarchy twice in the history of independent Burma. The first time this happened at the turn of the 50-60s of the twentieth century, when the first constitutional government of multi-ethnic Burma, led by the Buddhist-democrat U Nu, was unable to cope with separatist rebellions on the national outskirts, the economic crisis and rampant corruption, and the collapse of the country General Ne Win prevented this by using harsh military methods and established his personal power in 1962.

For the second time, the army decided the fate of the country in 1988, when criminals released from prison intervened in spontaneous popular uprisings against political oppression and Ne Win’s experiments in building “Burmese socialism”, who engaged in robbery and outrages, and the civil opposition, corroded by factionalism, was powerless to curb them.

Having restored order in the country, the “new military junta” made an attempt to return to a democratic form of government. In 1990, its highest body, the State Law and Order Council, held multiparty elections. The generals, however, underestimated the extent of popular dissatisfaction with military rule and, expecting to remain at the helm, did not prepare in advance a new constitution that would determine the formation and functions of the future government. When the opposition NLD won the overwhelming majority in the elections, which in practice represented a collection of all the previous small democratic groups united only by their rejection of the military regime, the authorities, not wanting to repeat the anarchy of 1988, refused to recognize the election results.

The long road to "restructuring" in Myanmar

Myanmar's generals have long studied the experience of their neighbors, primarily Thailand and Indonesia, in transitioning from authoritarian to more liberal forms of government. Over the course of twenty years, a new constitution was drafted that would open the way to multi-party elections while maintaining military control over the development of a political process that Yangon strategists called a “disciplined, prosperous democracy.” This constitution was submitted to a national referendum in 2008, where it received approval from more than 92% of the electorate.

In November 2010, the country held general parliamentary elections, and iconic opposition figure Aung San Suu Kyi was released from years of house arrest. During the first session of the All-Union Parliament in January-February 2011, the heads of legislative, executive and judicial structures were elected. The head of the military regime, Senior General Than Shwe, resigned, and his successor as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, General Min Aung Hlaing, the Minister of Defense and other military leaders took a subordinate position to the new formally civilian leaders and no longer “subjugated” the new one under any parameters. power structure.

Many both in Myanmar and abroad expected that the new government would simply be a new edition of the previous regime in civilian guise. But the country's then-elected president, Thein Sein, a former military man, immediately began sweeping political and economic reforms that no one had imagined for 50 years.

Why did the military leadership take such drastic steps? Undoubtedly, the sanctions that the West imposed on the military regime of Myanmar after the non-recognition of the results of the 1990 elections had a certain significance. But I think the main reason was that the 2008 constitution guaranteed military control over the situation in the country. The civil opposition and ethnic minorities were given the opportunity to have their say in politics, and private business in the economy, but at the same time all the previous power and control structures were preserved. The personal qualities of such leaders as Than Shwe, Thein Sein and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, General Min Aung Hlaing, undoubtedly played a role, their conviction in the need and inevitability of change in order to bring Myanmar out of isolation, ensure economic recovery, to a large extent through the development of civil initiative, and remove opposition from the West. The five years between the 2010 and 2015 elections became a kind of probationary period.

The parliamentary elections of 2015 and the presidential elections of 2016 marked a profound turning point in the development of Myanmar. The new government contains essentially two centers of power - representatives of the former democratic opposition led by the cult leader Aung San Suu Kyi and people from the former military elite, which suppressed this opposition for decades. The solution to the problems facing the country depends on the extent to which the NLD, intoxicated by electoral successes, but having neither administrative experience nor qualified personnel, can build interaction with the military, which has both experience and personnel. How will President Thin Kyaw, who has never been a public politician and took the post of head of state only because he was a school friend of Aung San Suu Kyi, use his powers, and, finally, how will Aung San Suu Kyi herself, by her own definition, “worthy over the president."

Already today, only at the initial stage of “perestroika,” there is an aggravation of ethnic and social conflicts. There are serious armed clashes in Shan and Kachin states that could undermine the very fragile process of reconciliation between the center and ethnic movements on the outskirts. If, in the context of current democratization, ethnic movements demand concessions from the central government, and NLD representatives in this government declare their readiness to make concessions, how will the military respond to this?

The Muslim issue is also becoming very topical in Myanmar. Moreover, this is not only due to tensions between the Buddhist majority of the population of Rakhine state and the Muslim Rohingya communities in the Rakhine regions bordering Bangladesh. In recent years, there has been a rise in a kind of Buddhist nationalism throughout Myanmar, fueled to some extent by the military regime. The most radical organization of Buddhist nationalists - the so-called Buddhist Association for the Defense of Race and Religion - demands legislative restrictions on the rights of Muslims. How will the NLD, which strongly emphasizes its tolerance, respond to this?

The situation with drug production is also of serious concern. Shan State accounts for 91% of opium poppy cultivation in Southeast Asia's Golden Triangle. The previous military regime ensured a steady decline in opium production in Myanmar at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries - the area occupied by poppy in Myanmar decreased from 1996 to 2004 from 160 thousand to 44 thousand hectares. However, recently there has again been an increase in both the area under poppy - up to 55 thousand hectares in 2015, and opium production: if in 2004 370 tons of opium were produced in Myanmar, then in 2015 - 730 tons. The weakening of control of the security forces over the situation in the context of the transition to civilian rule undoubtedly played a role.

As for foreign policy, the factor working in favor of the new government is that none of the external forces - neither China, nor ASEAN partners, nor the West - wants Myanmar to become another source of international tension. At the same time, the new government must build its line in international affairs so that the reconciliation with the West, which the NLD aims at, does not arouse any suspicion on the part of China, Myanmar’s main economic partner, with which the previous military regime had almost allied relations .

April 9th, 2016 , 01:36 pm

Not about Korea, but about another country in East Asia where big changes are taking place - Myanmar (Burma). To my great regret, our newspaper did not consider the interesting story about the new leader of the country worthy of publication, so I will at least exhibit it here. Many thanks to the person who told about all this - Peter Kozma. In general, he knows, if not absolutely everything, then very, very much about Myanmar... And he knows how to tell interesting stories. Here is his LJ, by the way... http://dragon-naga.livejournal.com - there is a lot of interesting information about Myanmar, I advise you to read it at least to broaden your horizons...

Below is the text of the interview. Photos are inserted just to break up the rather voluminous text, taken in Myanmar in April and December 2016 (photos from Naypyitaw and Yangon)

Myanmar's new president: soft-spoken, educated and without ambition
Russian expert spoke about the new leader of Myanmar
Oleg Kiryanov (Seoul – Yangon)

On March 30, a new president was inaugurated in Myanmar. After decades of military rule, the country had its first civilian president. Thus, in this one of the largest countries in Southeast Asia, there was a peaceful transfer of power from the military to the democratic opposition. It is noteworthy that the well-known, “promoted” Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has close ties with the West, did not become the country’s president, and instead, post No. 1 was taken by a relatively modest politician, 69-year-old Thin Kyaw. Why did it happen? What kind of person is the new president of Myanmar? Will he be able to conduct an independent policy and who is behind him? We asked a well-known specialist in this country, orientalist Pyotr Kozma, to answer these and some other questions on which the future of Myanmar largely depends. The expert has been living in Myanmar for many years, is personally acquainted with many local politicians, military officers, and journalists, and closely monitors the situation in the region.

Let's start not with the new president, but with the “mother of Burmese democracy” Aung San Suu Kyi. After all, she is the leader of the opposition party National League for Democracy (NLD), she enjoys impeccable authority, the citizens of Myanmar voted primarily for her in the elections, but she did not take the presidency. Why?

Peter Kozma: It was clear in advance that she would not become president. Section III of the country's Constitution, adopted back in May 2008, under the previous military regime, contains Article 59, which contains qualifications for the president and vice-presidents of the country. According to paragraph “f” of this article, the candidate for these positions “neither himself, nor any of his parents, nor his spouse, nor any of his legitimate children or their spouses, shall swear allegiance to a foreign power, be a subject of a foreign power or a citizen foreign state. They shall not be persons entitled to the rights and privileges of a subject of a foreign government or a citizen of a foreign state.” As is known, Aung San Suu Kyi had a British husband (but, as lawyers explain, since he died, the fact of this marriage no longer falls under paragraph “f” of Article 59 of the Constitution), and her two children are British subjects. This does not allow her to be president.

She didn’t try to “negotiate” with the military? She has very great influence and authority...

Kozma: Of course I tried... Since November 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi herself (having met three times with the commander in chief of the armed forces, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing) and through intermediaries (the most active of whom was the retired general and chairman of the former parliament, Thura Shwe Man) tried negotiate with the military so that this article of the Constitution is repealed. The role of the military in this case is key, because according to the Constitution, 25% of parliamentary mandates are reserved for them, and, according to Article 436 of the Basic Law, an amendment to Article 59 can only be adopted if at least 75% of parliament members vote for it ( after which a national referendum must take place, where the amendment must be approved by a majority vote of the country's residents included in the voter lists).
Negotiations with the military ended in vain: the military refused to touch the Constitution, fearing, among other things, that the first experience of adopting an amendment would cause an avalanche of similar initiatives, which would be much more difficult to resist. Moreover, when a number of NLD lawyers said that they had found a loophole and proposed not to repeal Article 59(f), but to temporarily suspend its operation (in their opinion, in this case, a vote by a simple majority of members of parliament would be enough), the military harshly reminded that , according to Article 20(f), it is the country's armed forces that are the main guarantor of compliance with the constitution.
As a compromise, announced by the information minister of the outgoing government, former military officer Ye Thut, it was proposed not to touch the Constitution, but to advise Aung San Suu Kyi to talk to her sons so that they accept Myanmar citizenship. Aung San Suu Kyi did not formally reject this proposal, although it is clear that the process of granting citizenship is a rather lengthy procedure, and, naturally, it will not be in time for the presidential elections. Thus, if Aung San Suu Kyi ever becomes president, it will not be now. Introducing an amendment to the Constitution (even if she manages to reach an agreement with the military) is a long procedure, and changing the citizenship of her sons will also take a lot of time.

It turns out that she is the main influential figure, and everyone else from her circle, including even the current President Thin Kyaw, cannot compare with her?

Kozma: In reality this is exactly the case. She completely controls the president and, as it seems, he will continue to remain such a “controlled figure.” She carefully selected the candidate for the future formal leader of the country; the choice fell on Thin Kyaw.

Why specifically him?

Kozma: The search for a candidate for a “decorative” president turned out to be not as simple as it seems at first glance. This person had to meet too many criteria at the same time.

First, he must be a person without personal ambitions and completely loyal to Aung San Suu Kyi. But a “complete vegetable” is not suitable for this position. The military has already stated that they will not carry out orders from “it is unclear who,” especially from a person who will be manipulated by someone from the outside.

Hence the second criterion: this must still be a person who, despite the lack of power ambitions (even potential ones), would represent something of himself. At the very least, he had to have an excellent education and good manners, have a high level of culture, demonstrate his talents in some intellectual field, and speak good English. Plus, he must inspire respect with his appearance - if not with military bearing, then with the charisma of an educated intellectual.
And there was one more important point: Myanmar politicians usually have a complex when they take pictures with some of their European colleagues. If at ASEAN meetings they are all about the same height, then next to many representatives of the West, Myanmar people look too short. By the way, there is a special instruction for the official photo reporters here: to photograph tall guests with their Myanmar interlocutors only when everyone is already seated in their chairs. Therefore, the election of a high-ranking president, who, moreover, would not be ashamed to present to the rest of the world as a cultural intellectual, would be a worthy “super task” for Myanmar, which is tired of poorly educated generals with the appearance of provincial accountants or collective farm chairmen. That is, the president’s “decorativeness” should have been compensated by his intelligence, good manners, tall stature and representative appearance. Thin Kyaw is very tall for a Myanmarese - no less than 6 feet (that is, 183 centimeters), as people who know him say.

Thirdly, this president must be linked hand and foot with the NLD and owe everything to it. That is, a theoretical break with the NLD (that is, in fact, with Aung San Suu Kyi) should be fraught with loss of face and reputation for him.
That is why, by the way, another of the candidates under consideration, Dr. Tin Myo Win, who for many years was Aung San Suu Kyi’s personal physician, was clearly not suitable for the position of president. With a dissident past and all his fame as a public figure of the democratic camp, he was too independent and self-sufficient for Aung San Suu Kyi - in other words, he did not have strings by which to pull him in order to control him. And Aung San Suu Kyi’s open distrust and suspicious attitude towards nationally renowned independent politicians of the democratic camp was very clearly manifested during the formation of the NLD list for nomination in territorial constituencies for parliamentary elections - practically not a single such figure who is not formally tied to the NLD was included in the list was not.

There was another danger that was actively discussed by the Myanmar press. The fact is that even if the president is a person without ambitions, his position is still a center of power around which a certain group of people will inevitably consolidate - the president cannot do his work without experts, advisers and consultants. This means that sooner or later a kind of “collective president” will arise when the king begins to be “played” by his entourage, which, by definition, will include ambitious and tenacious people. This “collective president,” if he quietly gains hardware power and influence, could one day “absorb” not only the formal figure of the head of state, but also become a center of power independent of Aung San Suu Kyi. That is why the NLD leader as head of state required not only a person personally loyal to her, but also an experienced bureaucrat-manager who would not allow others to play with his name and would nip the idea of ​​such a “collective president” in the bud. Taking into account all these factors, at some point for Aung San Suu Kyi, all the stars aligned on a candidate named Thin Kyaw.



Some Western media said that “Aung San Suu Kyi has nominated her driver for the post of president of the country.” Is this true?

Kozma: If every person who gives you a ride in their car is your driver, then yes. Thin Kyaw did indeed carry Aung San Suu Kyi during her difficult times. But you need to understand that with her fame, she would have no problem finding a professional driver from among her supporters who would be willing to work for her for free. Thin Kyaw drove a car with Aung San Suu Kyi because he believed that if he was with her, he would help her avoid unpleasant incidents if something happened.

And the negative reaction of Myanmar people to the headlines that “Aung San Suu Kyi nominated her driver for the post of president,” in my opinion, is caused by the fact that before his nomination in Myanmar, practically no one knew Thin Kyaw even in the party - not to mention all over the country. All information about his human and intellectual qualities comes from Aung San Suu Kyi, whom many Myanmar people fanatically believe in, and react very painfully to anyone’s attempts to doubt the correctness of her words and actions - very often they even show aggression. That is, the hint that the president is an ordinary driver was perceived as an attack personally on Aung San Suu Kyi, because Thin Kyaw is her personal choice.

By the way, I saw on Facebook how Myanmar people studying in Russia and speaking Russian were discussing the title of an article in one of the leading Russian newspapers - “Driver for Burma.” It is clear that they did not feel the second meaning of this Russian phrase, and in its literal sound it seemed to them offensive towards their country and its leader.

How do Thin Kyaw and Aung San Suu Kyi know each other?

Kozma: Thin Kyaw is a year younger than Aung San Suu Kyi. Their fathers also maintained friendly relations, and therefore he has known the NLD leader very well since his school years. You can say that they are friends, if this is possible in politics and with such a difference in influence. They studied together at the prestigious English Methodist School (now Secondary School No. 1 in the central Yangon district of Dagon). Although Thin Kyaw was two grades younger than Aung San Suu Kyi, they have been friends since their school years - that is, their good relationship has lasted for more than half a century. As a result, today he is one of Aung San Suu Kyi’s most trusted long-term friends, while he never “pulled the blanket over himself” and did not try not to be in the center of attention.
The degree of trust in him on the part of Aung San Suu Kyi is evidenced by the fact that Thin Kyaw heads a charitable foundation named after the mother of NLD leader Khin Kyi, the wife of General Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi - approx. “RG”).

You said that Thin Kyaw's father and Aung San Suu Kyi's father were friends, which largely determined the friendship of the two current politicians. A few words about the president's father, please.

Kozma: Thin Kyaw's father is the famous writer, poet and social activist U Vun (1909-2004). He entered literary history under the name Min Tu Wun. Among the ancestors of Min Tu Vun (born in the territory of the present Mon state) were Mon and Burmese, so we can say that his son Thin Kyaw also has a lot of Mon blood. Min Tu Wun is a graduate of the University of Rangoon (1935), and the University of Oxford (1939). After returning from Great Britain, at Rangoon University, he met and became friends with student leader Aung San, the future national hero of Burma and the father of Aung San Suu Kyi. In 1990, Min Tu Wun, already the patriarch of the democratic camp, a famous writer and public figure, was elected as a member of parliament from the National League for Democracy (as is known, the military authorities refused to transfer power to the NLD that won the elections and prevented the work of the newly elected parliament). After this, his works and literary creativity were banned, and he himself was deprived of the opportunity to speak publicly and teach. It should be noted that Thin Kyaw has good heredity - his father lived to be 95 years old.

We have understood one of the main expressive features of the new President Mynyama - tall growth. What else interesting can you say about him?

Kozma: In a few months, Thin Kyaw will celebrate his 70th birthday - he was born on July 20, 1946. As I already said, the president has a lot of Mon blood, but it’s hard to say which blood is more - Burmese or Mon (and it’s probably not that important).
Thin Zhuo’s first name, which he received at the age of three months, was Dala Ban (there was such a famous Mon warrior). Apparently, his father, giving him this name, not only wanted to emphasize the fact that Mon blood flows in his son, but also to “program” with the help of this name his son’s ability to win victories on the path of life. It is interesting that when Thin Zhuo took up literary creativity, he chose this very pseudonym for himself - Dala Ban.

Is the current president of Myanmar a famous writer?

Kozma: To be honest, very few Myanmar people have ever read his literary works (and he mostly wrote stories and articles). It is clear that now many will strive to make up for lost time, and besides, after decades of rule by generals, the figure of a writer in the highest government position is so in demand in society that in a year many Myanmar people will definitely say that they enjoyed reading Thin Kyaw’s stories from childhood .
Thin Kyaw's most famous book is about the life of his father, Min Tu Vun.

Thanks, interesting. Where did the president study? How did his life develop after school?

Kozma: Thin Kyaw was educated first at the Rangoon University of Science and Arts (in the department that would later become the independent Yangon Institute of Economics) with a specialization in statistics. Then he worked for a short time at the university computer center. In 1971, he was sent to study at the University of London, where he studied computer technology. Subsequently, his education continued at the Arthur D. Little School of Management (Cambridge, Massachusetts), and he also trained in Japan. In 1975, he received a master's degree in computer technology from Rangoon University. Some biographies of Thin Kyaw say that he graduated from Oxford (during the years when he was studying in Great Britain), but this is obviously erroneous information due to the fact that his father graduated from Oxford at one time .
In Burma, Thin Kyaw worked as a teacher and pursued a career as a bureaucrat. His first place of work after returning from the UK was the Ministry of Industry in 1975, and five years later he moved to the Ministry of Planning and Treasury, rising there to the position of Deputy Director of the Department of International Economic Relations. In 1992, he left government service, and from the mid-1990s began to take an active part in the activities of the National League for Democracy.

Knowledgeable people emphasize his excellent education, undoubted literary abilities, and fluency in English. Separately, his bureaucratic and teaching experience is noted, as well as his lack of desire to attract attention to his own person at any cost. Thin Kyaw is usually described as a cultured man with a quiet voice and even, gentle manners. One of his friends told reporters that he had never seen him angry. Another notes that when you are next to him, you always feel that he is a “reliable person.”
It is noteworthy that in many recent photographs he is walking a step behind Aung San Suu Kyi, and at the same time he is often talking about something on his mobile phone. According to people from Aung San Suu Kyi’s entourage, this is how, on the move, he often resolved current issues with the NLD leader, and then, having a good memory, recorded the agreements on paper.

Unlike many of his comrades in the democratic movement, he practically never spent time behind bars, but in September 2000, after Aung San Suu Kyi tried to go to Mandalay with several NLD activists (including Thin Kyaw), ended up in Yangon's notorious Insein Prison for a month. Cellmates remembered him as an attentive, intelligent and kind person who distributed food parcels brought to him from home among other prisoners.

It turns out that the president is such a rather soft person, personally loyal to Aung San Suu Kyi and without any special personal ambitions?

Kozma: I guess so. Based on what I have said, one can already understand how Thin Kyaw corresponds to the role of the “decorative president” prepared for him by his school friend. Although, it seems to me, it is worth mentioning one more important factor that undoubtedly influenced the choice made by the NLD leader. The fact is that Thin Kyaw is tall.

You have already said that he should look like an equal with Western politicians. Is there another subtext?

Kozma: People who know the character of Aung San Suu Kyi say that this clearly could not have happened without her personal “stud” against the military, who actually closed (at least for now) her path to the presidency.
The commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Min Aung Hlaing, is even slightly shorter than Aung San Suu Kyi, and she herself is a very petite woman. As a result, next to the president at official ceremonies, the commander-in-chief will look very comical - like a boy next to an adult. It seems that Aung San Suu Kyi decided to hurt her opponents in this way.

What can you say about the “first lady of Myanmar” - wife Thin Kyaw? Have you ever heard that she has a very strong influence on her husband?

Kozma: Not without this, but this is a topic for another conversation. If we take the hard facts, the wife of the President of Myanmar is called Su Su Lwin. She is also a longtime NLD activist. In 1970 she graduated from high school in Rangoon. Su Su Lwin is a linguist by training, and she is proud that she had the opportunity to study English from British professors who came to the country through the British Council. During the military regime, she worked for a non-governmental organization that carried out educational projects. Since the 2012 by-election, she has been a member of the lower house of parliament (Pyithu Hlutaw) for the NLD, and was recently elected to head the parliamentary foreign affairs committee after the new parliament began.

One more small request. Myanmar, unfortunately, is not a very well known country for us. As far as I understand, our media often get confused in the names of leading politicians and in some facts. They can pass off the same person as two people by indicating different transliterations of the same Burmese name. If it’s not too much trouble, please help us and name the names of the most important figures in Myanmar’s leadership and political circles.

Kozma: We can say that Aung San Suu Kyi tried to make life as easy as possible for those people who write about Myanmar - she took four ministerial positions at once: the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministries of Energy and Education, and also became the Minister of the Presidential Office. The latter position is especially important: Myanmar has no prime minister, but the head of the executive branch is the president. That is, the minister of the presidential office (if we do not take into account the figures of vice-presidents, each of whom has his own specific area of ​​responsibility) is actually the second person in the country’s civil bureaucratic hierarchy. By the way, judging by the recent legislative initiative of the NLD, especially for Aung San Suu Kyi, deputies are ready to introduce another special position with broad powers - “state adviser”, which, judging by the statements of experts, will allow Aung San Suu Kyi to maintain control over parliament even after the abolition resigned from his parliamentary powers in connection with his transition to work in the government.

That is why, given the fact that Aung San Suu Kyi is consistently realizing her intention to be “superior to the president,” the formal head of state Thin Kyaw and the commander-in-chief of the country’s armed forces, Min Aung Hlaing, when speaking about Myanmar, apparently should not be mentioned first and second.

As for the figures of vice-presidents, there are two of them: the military is represented by General Myint Swe, and the second vice-president is a representative of the Chin people, Christian Henry Van Thio, who also represents the now ruling NLD.

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RUSSIAN-MYANMAR RELATIONS

Diplomatic relations between the USSR and Burma (the former name of Myanmar) were established on February 18, 1948. The Soviet Union provided this country with significant technical and material assistance. In particular, a technological institute and a hotel were built in Yangon, as well as a hospital in Taunggyi. In 1955 and 1960, N.S. Khrushchev visited Myanmar. Since the 1970s bilateral connections did not differ in activity.

In December 1991, Myanmar recognized Russia as a successor state to the USSR. A notable event in Russian-Myanmar relations was the official visit to Russia of the Deputy Chairman of the State Council for Peace and Development of Myanmar in 2006.

On May 19, 2016, on the sidelines of the anniversary Russia-ASEAN summit in Sochi, a conversation took place between Russian President V.V. Putin and the President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (RUM) Thin Kyaw, during which the parties stated their interest in further promoting the entire range of bilateral relations.

Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev met with President of Myanmar Thein Sein on the sidelines of the East Asian summits in November 2014 (Naypyitaw) and November 2015 (Kuala Lumpur).

In June 2015, as part of the working visit to Russia of the Vice-President of RSM Nyan Tun, his negotiations were organized with the Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation N.P. Patrushev, Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation A.V. Dvorkovich, the Ministers of Economic Development, Industry and trade.

In February 2012, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Myanmar made a working visit to Russia. In January 2013, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov visited Naypyitaw. In July 2016, on the sidelines of ministerial events within ASEAN in Vientiane, Sergey Lavrov met with State Counselor and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Myanmar Aung San Suu Kyi. Inter-Ministry of Foreign Affairs consultations are being held at the level of deputy heads of foreign affairs agencies; the next round took place in June 2015 in Moscow.

In November 2017, on the sidelines of the 13th meeting of the ASEM Foreign Ministers Forum in Naypyitaw, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs I.V. Morgulov had a conversation with Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of RSM Kyaw Tin.

Military ties and delegation exchanges are actively developing. During the official visit of the Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation S.K. Shoigu to Naypyitaw in January 2018, an intergovernmental agreement was signed on a simplified procedure for the entry of warships into the ports of Russia and Myanmar. In June 2017, the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces, Min Aung Hlaing, was in Russia and held negotiations in Moscow with S.K. Shoigu and Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation N.P. Patrushev. Deputy Minister of Defense RSM Myint Nwe took part in the 6th Moscow Conference on International Security (April 2017), Air Force Commander Khin Aung Myint led the Myanmar military delegation to the International Aviation and Space Salon "MAKS-2017" (July), Chief of Staff Ground Forces Moe Myint Thun - at the International Military-Technical Forum "ARMY-2017".

In December 2017, a friendly visit to the port of Tilawa (Yangon) of a detachment of warships of the Pacific Fleet consisting of the Admiral Panteleev BOD and the large sea tanker Boris Butoma took place.

Bilateral cooperation is intensifying in the field of combating new challenges and threats through the Security Council of the Russian Federation and the Office of the National Security Advisor of the RSM Government, formed in January 2017. Myanmar National Security Adviser Thaung Tun visited Moscow in March 2017 and held talks with the Secretary of the Security Council N.P. Patrushev. He also headed the Myanmar delegations that participated in the VIII and IX international meetings of high representatives in charge of security issues (Zavidovo, May 2017; Sochi, April 2018), during which his contacts with the leadership of the Russian Security Council and relevant Russian departments. On April 27, 2018, Town Tuna had a conversation with Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs I.V. Morgulov.

Steps are being taken in the area of ​​interparliamentary relations. On July 25-27, 2018, a delegation of the deputy group of the State Duma of the Russian Federation for relations with the parliaments of Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar, headed by A. Chepa, visited Myanmar. Meetings were held with the leadership of the international affairs committees of both chambers of the Union Parliament, the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, as well as the Minister of International Cooperation Kyaw Tin. During the negotiations, the Myanmar partners outlined plans to create a parliamentary cooperation group with Russia, confirmed their interest in intensifying ties between the relevant committees of the legislative assemblies of the two countries and expanding bilateral interaction within the framework of international inter-parliamentary organizations.

The legal framework for bilateral relations is being improved. In 2017, an intergovernmental agreement was signed on the establishment of a trade mission of the Russian Federation in Yangon and a memorandum of understanding between the Ministry of Telecom and Mass Communications of Russia and the Ministry of Information of Myanmar on cooperation in the field of mass communications.

In September 2017, the 2nd meeting of the Russian-Myanmar Intergovernmental Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation was held in Moscow, chaired by the Minister of Economic Development of the Russian Federation M.S. Oreshkin and the Minister of Planning and Finance of RSM Kyaw Win.

According to the Federal Customs Service of Russia, the volume of trade turnover with Myanmar in 2017 amounted to 216.7 million US dollars (a decrease of 16.1% compared to 2016). Exports of Russian goods to RSM - $167.3 million (+ 42.8%), imports from Myanmar - $49.3 million (- 61%). The range of Russian supplies to Myanmar includes machinery, equipment and vehicles (65.4%), metals and metal products (3.6%), chemical products (3.4%), and mineral products (2.5%). The main imports from Myanmar are: textiles and textile products (71%), food and agricultural raw materials (23.4%).

The amount of accumulated Russian investments in the Myanmar economy amounts to 94 million US dollars, of which 38.3 million are investments by the Bashneft company, operating within the framework of an agreement signed in 2014 with the Myanmar Oil and Gas Corporation on production sharing on the mainland ER block -4.

In May 2018, the 2nd meeting of the Russian-Myanmar Working Group on Cooperation in the Field of the Use of Nuclear Energy for Peaceful Purposes was held in Yangon through the Rosatom State Corporation. Promising areas for establishing cooperation have been identified as Russian participation in the creation of nuclear infrastructure in Myanmar, the development of nuclear medicine, and the construction of research nuclear reactors and charged particle accelerators.

An important project of bilateral cooperation is the construction, with the participation of JSC VO Tyazhpromexport, of an iron smelter in Pangpet. After the suspension of work in 2017, the parties are taking measures to complete its construction and put it into operation at the end of 2019, subject to the resumption of financing by the Myanmar side for work in its area of ​​​​responsibility.

In order to expand contacts between the business circles of the two countries, in July this year. A memorandum of cooperation was signed between the Roscongress Foundation and the Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry.

The Russian side is assisting in the modernization of the hospital built by Soviet specialists in 1961 in Taunggyi. In December 2017, a memorandum was signed in Yangon to finance Russia’s contribution to the budget of the UN Office for Project Services for the preparation of a feasibility study for the relevant work.

In the field of education, engineering, scientific and military personnel from RSM are trained on a contract basis at leading technical universities in Russia. In 2017, more than 200 Myanmar citizens were sent to Russia via this line.

For study at the expense of the federal budget, 7 scholarships were allocated to Myanmar for the 2018/2019 academic year (a year earlier - 4). There is a strong interest among Myanmar youth in studying in our country (more than 40 applications have been submitted to the portal of the Russian Ministry of Education and Science).

As part of cooperation in the field of healthcare in 2017, three groups of doctors from RSM (more than 20 specialists in total) participated in scientific, practical and training seminars organized by the Russian Ministry of Health. In February 2018, the Russian companies Radiotherapy Technologies (Moscow) and OKB RITM CJSC (Taganrog) held practical seminars and presentations of medical diagnostic and therapeutic equipment at Military Hospital No. 2 in Yangon.

In November 2017, specialists from the Ministry of Health of the Russian Federation took part in a meeting of senior officials and experts in the field of public health of the participating countries of the East Asian Summit (EAS) on cooperation in the field of combating infectious diseases, organized under the auspices of Rospotrebnadzor. The issue of signing a bilateral memorandum of cooperation in the field of ensuring sanitary and epidemiological well-being is being considered.

The total number of Russian tourists who visited Myanmar in 2017 was about 4.5 thousand people. In March 2018, several large Myanmar travel companies took part in the 25th Moscow International Travel and Tourism Exhibition.

Bilateral cooperation in the field of culture and art demonstrates positive dynamics. In May 2017, as part of the international program of the St. Petersburg House of Music “Embassy of Musical Excellence,” Russian musicians visited Yangon, who gave a concert on the stage of the National Theater and conducted a master class for students of the University of Culture and Arts. In February 2018, through the Society for Friendship and Cooperation with the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (OSDRSM), performances by Russian singers and dancers were organized in a number of Myanmar cities to mark the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Russia and Myanmar.

In December 2017, a delegation from the State Museum of Oriental Arts held meetings with the leadership of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture and a number of RSM museums, during which issues of establishing bilateral contacts and exchanging experiences were discussed.

In April, a Cooperation Agreement was signed between the All-Russian Children's Center "Ocean" (Vladivostok) and the Association of Teachers of Private Schools in Yangon. In July-August 2018, the first group of Myanmar schoolchildren, numbering 15 people, is planned to travel to a children's recreation camp in the Far Eastern District.

ODRSM is actively involved. In February 2017, the President of the Society M.A. Dmitriev, during a visit to Myanmar, held a meeting with the State Counselor, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the RSM Aung San Suu Kyi. The prospects for intensifying contacts between NGOs and citizens of the two countries, as well as establishing interaction with the Myanmar-Russian Friendship Association were discussed.

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REPUBLIC OF THE UNION OF MYANMAR

General information. The Republic of the Union of Myanmar is located in Southeast Asia, on the Indochina Peninsula, bordered by Bangladesh, India, China, Laos and Thailand, in the southwest by the Bay of Bengal, in the south by the Andaman Sea. Territory – 677 thousand square meters. km.

The climate is monsoonal, tropical, with two seasons: rainy (June-October) and dry, divided into cool (November-February) and hot (March-May) periods.

Population – 52.4 million people. (about 70% are Burmese, the rest are Shans, Karens, Kachins, Chins, Mons, Arakanese, representatives of other small nationalities, as well as people from China, India and other countries, a total of 135 nationalities).

The administrative capital is Naypyitaw (population - 1.2 million people). The largest city and trade and economic center is Yangon (more than 6 million people). The country is divided into 7 administrative and 7 national regions.

The official language is Burmese (lately the name “Myanmar” has also been used).

The main religion is Buddhism (professed by 89.4% of the population); there are Christian (4.9%), Muslim (3.9%) and Hindu communities (0.5%).

The national currency is kyat (zha). According to the official exchange rate, about 1400 kyat - 1 US dollar (August 2018).

Brief historical overview. The first large Burmese state arose in the 11th century. with its center in Bagan in the central part of the country. From 1886 to 1948 Burma was a British colony (occupied by Japan in 1942-1945). On January 4, 1948, it was proclaimed an independent state (Union of Burma). The period of parliamentary democracy (1948-1962) was interrupted in March 1962 by a military coup and the establishment of a one-party “socialist” regime. In conditions of an acute internal political crisis in September 1988, the military again came to power in the country, proclaiming a course of market reforms and a smooth transition to democracy. In May 2008, the Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar was adopted in a general referendum. Following the results of the first parliamentary elections in 2010, which were boycotted by the opposition, political forces close to military circles won. In November 2015, elections to the second convocation of parliament were held, in which the leading opposition party, the National League for Democracy, led by its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, won the majority of seats.

State structure. The head of state is the president (Win Myint), who, together with two vice-presidents, is elected by parliament; the actual head of the government is the State Councilor (Aung San Suu Kyi). The bicameral Union Parliament consists of the Nationalities Assembly (Chairman: Ma Win Khaing Than) and the People's Congress (Chairman: T. Khun Mya); Legislative acts are approved at joint sessions of both chambers. In accordance with the constitution, the leadership of the armed forces, represented by the Commander-in-Chief (Senior General Min Aung Hlaing), appoints the heads of the three ministries (defense, interior and border affairs) and military deputies, for whom a quarter of the seats in the Union Parliament and fourteen regional legislative assemblies are reserved. The highest judicial body is the Supreme Court (chaired by Thun Thun U).

Economy. Myanmar has rich natural resources: timber, mineral and ore minerals (copper, zinc, tin, tungsten, antimony, gold, silver, jade, rubies, sapphires), oil (confirmed reserves - 206.9 million barrels), gas - 350 -400 billion cubic meters m), significant hydro resources, fish and seafood (their production possibilities are estimated at 1.1 million tons per year).

The GDP volume in 2017 was $66.5 billion, per capita—about $1,264 (at purchasing power parity). The total volume of declared foreign investments is more than $76 billion. The economic growth rate in 2017 is 6.7% (in 2016 - 5.9%), the inflation rate is 7%, the budget deficit is about 3.5% of GDP, external debt is about $10 billion, the size of gold and foreign exchange reserves is $9.4 billion. Average life expectancy is 61 years.

The main sector of Myanmar's economy is agriculture, which employs up to 70% of the working population and produces about 36% of GDP. Industry accounts for 26% of GDP.

At the end of 2017, the volume of foreign trade amounted to $29.1 billion (exports - $11.9 billion, imports - $17.2 billion). The main export items are gas, rice, legumes, seafood, wood (primarily teak), garments, precious and semi-precious stones; imports - consumer goods, machinery and equipment, metals, edible oils, cement, fertilizers, medicines. Leading foreign trade partners are China, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Japan and India.

Domestic policy. The country's government is carrying out political and socio-economic reforms aimed at democratizing public life and developing a market economy. Among the leading domestic political priorities of the current government are resolving the crisis in the Rakhine National Region and developing a peace process with ethnic armed groups based in the border areas in the north and east of the country.

Foreign policy. Due to its location, Myanmar is at the intersection of the strategic interests of regional “poles of power” - the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), China and India. The main vector of Myanmar's foreign policy is the development of ties within ASEAN. Naypyidaw strives to maintain the most balanced relations with its neighbors and leading world powers.